Summary
Israeli political scientist whose accounts close the literature survey in Chapter 5 of Stateless Citizenship (2013): Israel as an Ethnic Democracy constituted by liberalism, republicanism and ethnicity, in which Arab citizens hold a “residual, truncated status” under ethnorepublicanism (Peled 1992, 432-436, as quoted, PDF p.192-194).
Details
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“Precisely this type of citizenship is possessed by Israel’s Arab citizens” (Peled 1992, 434, as quoted, PDF p.193); a “protective wall” separates Arab citizens from Jewish citizens and from the non-citizen Arabs of the occupied territories, “who are Israel’s metics”, and Arab citizens “must not, however, challenge the existence of the wall itself” (Peled 1992, 436, as quoted, PDF p.194).
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With Gershon Shafir (Shafir and Peled 2002), citizenship is conceived through Soysal’s incorporation regime as an entire mechanism of incorporation, and Israel’s “multiple and hierarchical citizenship” is produced by the liberal, ethno-nationalist and republican discourses in sequence (2002, 11, 22, as quoted, PDF p.194-195); Molavi criticizes the account for neglecting the exclusions embedded in even the liberal-Zionist framework (PDF p.195).
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In Zionist Israel and the Question of Palestine Chapter 3, Peled (1947-) in 2007 argued that within its internationally recognised borders of 1949-1967 Israel has since the beginning of 2000 been developing continuously from an ethnic democracy towards an ethnocracy, citing the denial of family reunification to Palestinian citizens and a plan to move the West Bank border westward in the “Arab triangle” of Galilee whereby 150,000 to 200,000 Israeli Palestinians would lose their citizenship: “The curtailment of rights is in itself the actual goal of the aforementioned measures” (Peled 2007: 355, 362, PDF p.67-68).
Related pages
Stateless Citizenship (2013), Ethnic Democracy, Israeli Incorporation Regime