A Shadow over Palestine

Summary

Keith P. Feldman argues that Israel and Palestine were constitutive of race in the United States in a conjuncture of roughly 1960 to 1985, when U.S. civil rights and antiwar struggles, Zionist settler colonization and Israeli occupation, and Palestinian narratives of dispossession, dispersion and resistance were, in his phrase, forged, felt and thought together (A Shadow over Palestine, lines 119-125). Part 1 covers the Prologue, the Introduction and Chapters 1 and 2 in full and Chapter 3 through the opening of its “Sammler and the Spectacle” section. The Prologue reads James Baldwin’s 1961 Israel visit for a relational analytic linking anti-Black and anti-Arab racisms. The Introduction defines U.S. imperial culture, Racial relationality, comparativity and the sovereign exception, and summarises the book’s five chapters. Chapter 1 genealogises UN General Assembly Resolution 3379 (1975) through the 1963 UN Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, Fayez Sayegh and the Palestine Research Center’s theorisation of Zionist settler colonial racism, and Daniel P. Moynihan’s Racial liberalism, which displaced that critique with fears of Soviet totalitarianism and viral anti-Semitism. Chapter 2 traces Black Power’s Palestine through SNCC’s August 1967 “Third World Round-up,” the Black Panther Party’s traffic with Fatah and the PLO at Algiers in 1969, and David Graham Du Bois’s Cairo novel … And Bid Him Sing, closing with the 1979 Andrew Young affair. Chapter 3 examines how political Zionism and American Jewishness were sutured in late-1960s and early-1970s racial justice struggles, through the American Jewish Committee’s shift from non-Zionism, Norman Podhoretz’s “instant Zionism” and “My Negro Problem—and Ours,” Nathan Glazer’s reactionary color blindness, Meir Kahane’s Jewish Defense League, Saul Bellow’s Mr. Sammler’s Planet, the Jewish Left’s anti-imperialist disavowals (Jewish Currents, the Jewish Liberation Project, the Committee for a Progressive Middle East), Arthur Waskow’s Freedom Seder and revolutionary diasporism, and Daniel Berrigan’s 1973 AAUG keynote. Part 2 completes chapter 3 and gives chapter 4, on Edward Said, contrapuntalism and the Association of Arab American University Graduates (AAUG) as a nascent Arab American studies, including Operation Boulder; chapter 5, on women of color feminisms and the 1982 Lebanon conjuncture, centred on June Jordan’s “Moving towards Home” and the November 1982 UNICEF fund-raiser; the Epilogue, on shadows, Podhoretz’s World War IV and Islamofascism, and the Durban conference, the BDS call and the American Studies Association’s 2013 boycott resolution; the Acknowledgments; and the opening of the Notes (the Prologue notes in full and Introduction notes 1-5). Part 3 gives the rest of the Notes read so far: Introduction notes 6-64 in full, chapter 1 notes 1-89 in full, chapter 2 notes 1-132 in full, and chapter 3 notes 1-49. Part 4 completes the chapter 3 notes (50-99), gives the chapter 4 notes 1-93 in full, the chapter 5 notes 1-79 in full, the Epilogue notes 1-30 in full — completing the Notes — and the opening of the Index, from the A entries through the opening B entries to the Basle Conference. Part 5 gives the Index continuation from Bassiouni through the L entries to racial liberalism and the geographies of liberation: the B entries (Bellow, Ben-Gurion, Berger, Berrigan, the Black freedom movement, the Black Panther Party and Black Power), C (Cairo, racial capitalism, Carmichael, Cold War, internal colonialism, CPME, comparativity), D-E (diasporas, Palestinian dispossession, David Graham and Shirley Graham Du Bois, Egypt, Elmessiri, empire, ethnic studies, exceptionalism, exile), F-G (feminisms, Freedom Seder, Foucault, gender, genocide, Glazer), H-I (Haddad, Herzl, Holocaust and Holocaust memory, humanism, identity, U.S. imperial culture, inclusion and incorporability, the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination in its full title, EAFORD, Irgun, Islam and Islamo-Fascism, and the extensive Israel entry), and J-L (Jabara, Jewish Currents, the JDL, the JLP, Jews and Jews, American, Jews for Urban Justice, June Jordan, the June war, Kach and Kahane, Kallen, Kennan, King, knowledge production, Lebanon and the 1982 Lebanon invasion, the Jewish and Radical Lefts, Bernard Lewis, and American, Cold War and racial liberalism). Part 6 completes the Index, from the L entries’ tail (liberty as civic religion) through M (Malcolm X, masculinity, Moynihan, Mr. Sammler’s Planet), N (the Nakba, the NCNP, the NDEA, neoconservatism, the NWSA), O (Operation Boulder, Orientalism, the Occupied Territories), P (Palestine, the PLO, the PRC, Palestinians, the Pan-African Cultural Festival, Podhoretz, prisons), R (race, racial liberalism, racism, refugees, relationality, Said and Sayegh), S (secularism, settler colonialism in its Israeli and U.S. forms, shadows, SNCC, South Africa, state violence), T-U (terrorism, “Third World Round-up,” This Bridge Called My Back, the United Nations, Resolution 3379, U.S.-Israeli relations), and W-Z (permanent war, whiteness, women of color, the World Conference against Racism, Young, and the extensive closing Zionism entry), and gives the Author Biography. The book is now read in full.

What the file is

A Manifold edition (University of Minnesota Press, 2015) of a scholarly book, licensed CC BY-NC-ND 4.0, ISBN 978-1-4529-4487-6 (ebook), saved as an HTML original with a plain-text copy combined from Manifold API text sections (lines 1-3). The text copy has no page markers; locators are line numbers. A Shadow over Palestine: The Imperial Life of Race in America is about 117,794 words in the text copy. Publication was assisted by the John C. Flanagan Dissertation Fellowship and the Graduate School at the University of Washington and in part by the Berkeley Research Impact Initiative (lines 25-31). Parts of chapter 2 were earlier published in CR: New Centennial Review (2008) and ALIF: Journal of Comparative Poetics (2011) (line 31). The text copy’s content ends at line 3993; line 3994 is the blank line after its final newline, so the coverage count of 3,994 lines and the content endpoint are the same and no line is missing. The book’s chapters are: Prologue: James Baldwin in the Holy Land; Introduction: Special Relationships; 1. Specters of Genocide; 2. Black Power’s Palestine; 3. Jewish Conversions; 4. Arab American Awakening; 5. Moving toward Home; Epilogue: On Shadows; with Acknowledgments, Notes and Index (lines 53-79).

Section by section

Prologue: James Baldwin in the Holy Land (lines 81-107)

At the end of September 1961 James Baldwin arrived in Tel Aviv as a guest of the Israeli government and was escorted to the Negev, the Dead Sea, the Jerusalem hills, Tel Aviv, Haifa and a kibbutz near the Gaza Strip (lines 87-89). He carried manuscripts that became Another Country and “Down at the Cross” / The Fire Next Time, and was in Israel as prologue to a New Yorker-advanced book on Africa in decolonisation that never appeared; instead he sent “Down at the Cross” to the New Yorker rather than Commentary, angering Norman Podhoretz, who replied with “My Negro Problem—and Ours” (lines 89-95). Feldman reads Baldwin’s 1961 letters — on borders every five minutes, the British mandate, “the war,” and “the entire Arab situation, outside the country, and, above all, within” (line 97) — as crystallising Israel’s overdetermination, Anglo-American sovereignty’s imprint and Baldwin’s keener sense of his own homelessness and commitment to exile. Baldwin interrogated Jewish statehood as involving a “vast amount of political cynicism” predicated on “the salvation of western interests,” questioned a national identity forged from genocide catastrophe and a revived Hebrew language, noted discrimination against Yemeni Jews, and wrote of Arabs that “in a literal way, they have been” dispossessed (lines 101-103). Ten years later, in A Rap on Race with Margaret Mead, Baldwin said “I have been, in America, the Arab at the hands of the Jews”; Mead dismissed such formulations as “imperfectly realized analogies,” and the double LP of the conversation excluded the whole Israel/Palestine discussion, silencing the relational analytic at the core of Feldman’s book (lines 103-105).

Introduction: Special Relationships (lines 109-201)

After signing the first U.S. arms agreement with Israel at the end of 1962, President John F. Kennedy assured Golda Meir of a “special relationship with Israel in the Middle East, really comparable only to that which it has with Britain over a wide range of world affairs” (line 115). Feldman turns from state diplomacy to the culture work of artists, writers, activists and scholars, identifying a conjuncture of about 1960 to 1985 in which the U.S. state maintained hegemony through nominal inclusion and refashioned counterinsurgency while Israel, after June 1967, embarked on a “permanently temporary” occupation of the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, the Sinai Peninsula and the Golan Heights (lines 117-125). The section “Political Economy and Permanent War” links the conjuncture to racial capitalism’s crisis, Nixon’s 1971 move off the gold standard, OPEC’s October 1973 embargo and petrodollar recycling through U.S. banks, the World Bank and the IMF, and theorises Permanent war as an analytic making state violence visible beyond the civil rights consensus; it sets Israel’s American symbolic storehouse — pioneers, kibbutzim, genocide recompense, UN test case — against its permanent exclusions, including the 1947–49 dispossession of more than 760,000 indigenous Palestinian Arabs, “present absentees,” Mizrahi inequality, post-1967 occupation and settlements, partnership with apartheid South Africa and the 1982 Lebanon invasion (lines 127-139). “On U.S. Imperial Culture” defines U.S. imperial culture and its spatial imaginaries, from suburban domesticity and ghetto/prison symbiosis to Israel as “an outpost of the free world” and Palestinian refugee camps after the Nakba and the 1967 Naksa (lines 141-151). “On Racial Relationality” follows Lisa Cacho and David Theo Goldberg in treating racialisation as always relational, marks the post-Holocaust, decolonisation-era “racial break,” and rejects the declensionist “Black–Jewish relations” ethnic-relations paradigm for domesticating race and absenting Arabs and Palestinians (lines 153-163). “On Comparativity” and “Exceptional Relations” treat comparison as an active political verb producing an archive of incommensurability (Zionism as liberation, colonialism or racism; ghettoes as Warsaw, camps, prisons or occupied territory), refuse both Agamben’s abstract homo sacer and any “true” linkage between Nazi genocide, the Nakba and the U.S. racial formation, and read Schmitt, Traverso and Arendt genealogically — Arendt in Origins of Totalitarianism on the solution of the Jewish question producing “a new category of refugees, the Arabs,” increasing “the stateless and rightless by another 700,000 to 800,000 people” (lines 165-189). Palestine is figured as Zionism’s constitutive outside, a shadow whose absence materialises geographically, historiographically and epistemologically. The Introduction closes with summaries of chapters 1-5 (lines 191-201), reproduced in the reading notes: Sayegh and the PRC and Moynihan in chapter 1; SNCC, the Panthers and David Graham Du Bois in chapter 2; Podhoretz, Glazer, Bellow and Jewish New Left organisations in chapter 3; Edward Said’s 1968 “The Arab Portrayed” and Orientalism in chapter 4; and June Jordan and the November 1982 “Moving towards Home” UNICEF fund-raiser in chapter 5.

Chapter 1: Specters of Genocide: Cold War Exceptions and the Contradictions of Liberalism (lines 203-361)

On November 10, 1975 the UN General Assembly passed Resolution 3379, determining that “zionism is a form of racism and racial discrimination,” by 72 votes to 35 with 32 abstentions, resting on the 1963 Declaration, the 1973 condemnation of the “unholy alliance” between South African racism and Zionism, and 1975 declarations by the International Women’s Year conference, the Organization of African Unity and the Non-Aligned foreign ministers (line 211). U.S. reaction — mass protest outside the UN, unanimous congressional condemnation, New York Times denunciations of a “Communist-Arab bloc,” and Saturday Night Live’s Sammy Davis Jr. joke — collapsed Zionism, Judaism and belief and reduced racism to individual prejudice, while the Black Panther Intercommunal News Service celebrated the resolution and serialised essays on Sephardic Jews, Arab citizens and the Israel–South Africa alliance, Rabbi Elmer Berger argued in an Arab Information Center advertisement that the Zionist character of much “Basic” Israeli law qualified as racism, and Abdelwahab Elmessiri named Israel a manifestation of settler colonialism and wrote that “It is a moral myopia to try to solve Auschwitz by Deir Yassin” (lines 213-215). “Understanding Racial Liberalism” defines Racial liberalism through African American integration as Cold War civic religion, Jewish assimilability becoming “white” on a white supremacist substructure while fusing Jewishness with political Zionism, and the UN’s “imperial internationalism” inherited from the League of Nations Mandate system — alongside uses of the UN that exceeded racial liberalism, from the Civil Rights Congress’s 1951 genocide petition to anti-apartheid mobilisations and, in 1975, the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People and PLO observer status (lines 223-235). “‘The Swastika Epidemic’” traces Resolution 3379’s precedent to the Christmas Eve 1959 defacement of Cologne’s Roonstrasse Synagogue and roughly 2,000 catalogued incidents in forty countries (800 in West Germany; some 643 in the United States over nine weeks by ADL count), the AJC’s epidemiology of anti-Semitism as a “dangerous infection,” and Studies in Prejudice (1950), in which anti-Semitism became an eternal individual prejudice and the “spearhead of the totalitarian order”; the UN Sub-Commission’s ambivalent coupling of race and religion was then delinked by the Third Committee in 1962, after Marietta Tree’s proposal at Rabbi Yitzhak Lewin’s behest to target anti-Semitism specifically met Soviet and Jordanian proposals listing Zionism among forms of racism and colonialism (lines 237-259). “The Anomaly of Settler Colonialism” presents Arab scholars and organisations — the PRC, the Institute for Palestine Studies and the Association of Arab American University Graduates — theorising Zionism as settler colonialism, the original PLO Charter (June 1964) defining Zionism as a “colonialist movement in its inception, aggressive and expansionist in its goals, racist and segregationist in its configurations and fascist in its means and aims,” and its 1968 revision framing Zionism as “organically associated with international imperialism” (lines 261-265). The PRC, founded in Beirut in February 1965 and producing over 400 publications by 1982, was looted in Israel’s September 1982 West Beirut invasion and demolished by a fatal car bomb in early 1983, most contents later returned in a November 1983 prisoner swap and deposited in Nicosia (line 267). Sayegh’s “Zionist Colonialism of Palestine” (September 1965) calls racism a “congenital, essential, and permanent” feature of the “Zionist settler-state”; his 1970 monograph elaborates a “principle of religio-racial exclusionism” and Palestine’s historical, moral and political anomalies; Hasan Sa’b’s “Zionism and Racism” (1965) contrasts Zionist investment in “Race” with liberal Jews who speak of “Man,” citing Einstein, Morris Cohen and the Reform movement against Israel as an “incarnation of a neo-racism”; and the PRC’s “Israeli Racism” (September 1975) documents the 1945 Defence Emergency Regulations against Arab citizens, Arab family income at less than half a European Jewish family’s, and ties to South Africa (lines 269-279). “Settler Colonialism at the United Nations” gives Sayegh’s October-November 1975 UN argument: Zionism’s “total transformation” through simultaneous “pumping-in” of Jews (Herzl, the 1897 Basle Program, the Law of Return and Nationality Law) and “pumping-out” of indigenous Palestinian Arabs, a “color-line” dividing “‘white’ Jews from Europe and America” from Oriental and Black Jews, restrictive land covenants under the Keren Kayemeth Law of 1953, the 1961 Covenant with the Jewish National Fund and the Agricultural Settlement Law of 1967, and the closing claim that Zionism’s descent-based discrimination is “incontestably a form of racial discrimination” (lines 281-291). “Daniel Patrick Moynihan and the Quandary of Race” and “Racial Liberalism’s Global Horizon” read Moynihan through Beyond the Melting Pot (1963), whose “immigrant analogy” erased structural inequality, and “The Negro Family” (1965), whose “matriarchal structure” pathology, slavery/concentration-camp “total institutions” juxtaposition and Armed Forces model of reparative manhood prefigured his UN performance; in “The United States in Opposition” (1975) Moynihan held third world poverty to be “of their own making and no one else’s,” and as UN ambassador he seized on Idi Amin’s conspiratorial October 1975 speech calling for Israel’s expulsion and “extinction,” worked with Podhoretz (who supplied his speech’s opening and closing language) and Bernard Lewis, avoided Sayegh’s arguments, and, through Leonard Garment in the Third Committee and a Webster’s dictionary definition of racism as biological assumption, cast Zionism as a pluralist “national liberation movement” of “black Jews, brown Jews, white Jews,” never addressing Sayegh’s color-line argument (lines 293-335). “A Metaphor for Democracy?” follows Moynihan’s July 1976 Hebrew University honorary doctorate and Senate campaign, in which Israel “become a metaphor for democracy in the world” and defending Israel was defending liberty and the United States, terrorism figured as a viral “disease” after Entebbe, and Sayegh’s founding of EAFORD, whose 1976 Tripoli symposium on “Zionism and racism” drew over 500 participants from eighty countries, Elmessiri on Zionist settler colonialism, Said on Zionism’s birth “amongst and as part of the European oppression of black, yellow, brown, and red peoples,” and Sayegh’s relational theory of racist systems clashing in one orbit (“Nazism versus zionism”) and allying when apart, as with South Africa and Israel (lines 339-351). “The Twisting of History” closes the chapter: Resolution 3379, the only General Assembly resolution formally revoked, was rescinded on December 16, 1991, Israel having conditioned Madrid Conference participation on revocation, President George H. W. Bush arguing that equating Zionism with racism was “to twist history”; the U.S. delegation walked out of the 2001 World Conference against Racism and boycotted the 2009 and 2011 conferences, and in 2012 President Barack Obama vowed his administration would “always reject the notion that Zionism is racism” (lines 353-361).

Chapter 2: Black Power’s Palestine: Permanent War and the Global Freedom Struggle (lines 363-571)

The chapter opens with SNCC’s “Third World Round-up: The Palestine Problem: Test Your Knowledge” (August 1967), a two-page article of thirty-two “documented facts,” two photographs and two cartoons in SNCC’s newsletter, uncited but reproducing verbatim much of the PRC’s Do You Know? Twenty Basic Facts about the Palestine Problem, denounced within days by civil rights organisations and given front-page newspaper coverage (lines 373-379). Feldman names this production Black Power’s Palestine and takes up the SNCC article, Panther–PLO traffic in the Panthers’ newspaper, and David Graham Du Bois’s … And Bid Him Sing. “A Permanent State of War” gathers W. E. B. Du Bois’s 1953 Souls of Black Folk preface on war as “universal and continuous,” Huey P. Newton’s 1967 “In Defense of Self-Defense” (“In order to get rid of the gun it is necessary to pick up the gun”), and Jack O’Dell on militarism shaping national life, then shows how an Afro-Zionist tradition from Edward Blyden and Marcus Garvey to Du Bois, Paul Robeson and Kwame Nkrumah, tightened by the humanitarian response to Nazi genocide and Cold War anticommunism, circumscribed reckoning with Palestinian liberation — emblemised by the torn-up negative of the 1948 Renaissance Ballroom photograph of Robeson shaking hands with Ralph Bunche, weeks after Bunche’s appointment as principal secretary of the UN Palestine Commission, the two diverging as Robeson was hounded by HUAC and barred from leaving the United States by 1950 while Bunche mediated after Count Folke Bernadotte’s assassination, secured the 1949 Israel-Egypt treaty and became the first African American Nobel recipient in 1950 (lines 381-403). “The American Pattern of Exclusion” reads Baldwin’s “Harlem Ghetto” (1948, in Commentary, between an account of “bloodshed in Palestine” and a reprinted poem) on Jews in Harlem as tradesmen and rent collectors “identified with oppression,” and his April 1967 “Negroes Are Anti-Semitic Because They’re Anti-White” on Jews assimilated into spatially stratified whiteness; it elaborates Loïc Wacquant’s ghetto-prison “deadly symbiosis” and the third world Left’s internal colonialism — Harold Cruse, Robert Blauner’s Racial Oppression in America (1972) and O’Dell — and Eldridge Cleaver’s 1968 “black colony” / “white mother country” formulation with its Herzlian parallel, and Carmichael and Hamilton’s Black Power (September 1967), applying Fanon to name institutional racism colonialism against Myrdal, conceding “Obviously, the analogy is not perfect” while insisting on the “objective relationship” to spatialised racial violence, a model Feldman says obfuscates U.S. settler colonial structure and indigenous sovereignty (lines 405-429). Shedding Some Light on the Palestine Problem situates “Third World Round-up” in spring-summer 1967 — King’s “Beyond Vietnam” speech, Baldwin’s essay, the Panthers’ May 2 Sacramento protest, some 164 “civil disorders” in twenty-eight cities, and COINTELPRO’s targeting of “black nationalist, hate-type organizations” — notes King’s June 11, 1967 New York Times Magazine essay’s silence on Israel, Ralph Featherstone’s defence of SNCC’s parallel between exploitation of Black people in the ghettos and oppression of Arabs by Israelis, the Times front-page denunciations and the secondary literature’s preoccupation with anti-Semitic tropes over the article’s documented facts, Kwame Turé’s 2003 autobiography account of Ethel Minor’s two-year reading group and of drafting “The Palestine Problem” as his last act as chairman, and Feldman’s finding that fully fifteen of the PRC pamphlet’s twenty facts appear verbatim or nearly so in SNCC’s article, while the article’s anti-Semitic tropes on Jewish financial dominance do not appear in the PRC pamphlet and its Rothschilds claim is “completely specious” (lines 431-459). The article’s facts run from Basel 1897 and the Balfour Declaration (fifty-six thousand Jews in Palestine, most recently immigrated, as presented) to Zionists owning “no more than 6 per-cent of the total land area in Palestine” by 1947, Question 16 on “Zionist terror gangs,” Question 20’s capitalised claim that “ISRAEL WAS PLANTED AT THE CROSSROADS OF ASIA AND AFRICA WITHOUT THE FREE APPROVAL OF ANY MIDDLE-EASTERN, ASIAN OR AFRICAN COUNTRY!,” Questions 25-26 on Arab segregation and the color line against dark-skinned Jews, and Questions 31-32 on the Rothschilds and Israel in Africa (lines 455-457). Its visuals — a photograph captioned “Gaza Massacres, 1956” and “This is the Gaza Strip, Palestine, not Dachau, Germany,” and Kofi Bailey’s cartoon of a Star-of-David/dollar-sign hand holding a rope lynching Nasser and Muhammad Ali against a “THIRD WORLD” arm wielding a “LIBERATION MOVEMENT” scimitar — suture U.S. racial violence, imperial militarism and Afro-Arab liberation (lines 461-465). Culture Is a Weapon covers the September 1967 National Conference for New Politics, where a Black caucus led by H. Rap Brown and James Forman won passage of thirteen points as a package, point 5 condemning the “imperialist Zionist war” and later revised, under SCLC pressure, to condemn “the imperialistic Israeli government”; the Panthers’ urban spatial politics and Algeria offices (July 1969); and the July 1969 Pan-African Cultural Festival in Algiers, opened by Houari Boumediene proclaiming “Culture is a weapon in our struggle for liberation,” with the Panther contingent, the Afro-American Information Center, Emory Douglas’s exhibition, and a close bond with nearby Fatah — founded in 1959 by Yasser Arafat, Salah Khalaf and Khalil al-Wazir in Kuwait, its feda’i dominating “the Palestinian symbolic universe,” its “Seven Points” publicly supported by the Panthers — and the Black Panther’s publication of a PLO representative’s “Fat’h Speaks to Africa” address and editorials naming the United States behind Israel (lines 467-491). “Things Ain’t What They Used to Be,” “Cairo and Oakland: Resituating an Afro-Arab Diaspora” and Translation in … And Bid Him Sing give David Graham Du Bois’s biography and novel together: Shirley Graham Du Bois’s move from Accra after Nkrumah’s February 1966 ouster to a Nile Street apartment in Giza, Cairo as transfer point (the 1961 Afro-Asian Women’s Conference, Malcolm X’s 1964 OAU observer status and human-rights framing, his “Zionist Logic” printed in the Egyptian Gazette after his Gaza visit, and his “Appeal to African Heads of State” (“Our problem is your problem,” and “It is not a Negro problem, nor an American problem. This is a world problem; a problem for humanity. It is not a problem of civil rights but a problem of human rights”); Graham Du Bois’s 1959 arrival via Peking University (“I fell in love with Egypt”), teaching at Cairo University from 1960 and Egyptian Gazette journalism from 1961 to 1973, his June 1972 departure for the United States, Toni Morrison’s interest at Random House, Oakland and the Panthers, editorship of the Black Panther Intercommunal News Service from fall 1973 to 1977 at a circulation of around 400,000, the October 1973 War coverage under “Mid-East War: Nixon’s New Vietnam,” and the May 1974 position paper drafted with Newton, “The Issue Isn’t Territory, but Human Rights,” circulated to the UN, the OAU, the PLO and the American Jewish Congress president (lines 493-529). The novel — part novel, part autobiography, part history, published by Ramparts Press and serialised over seventeen months in sixty-three single-page segments in the Panther newspaper — narrates Bob Jones and Suliman Ibn Rashid’s attempts to forge an Afro-Arab diasporic culture in Cairo, Suliman’s frustration that Cairenes thought of themselves as Egyptians, not Africans, his cabaret poetry performance backed by the Cairo Jazz Combo and translated by Salah Jahin (Mohammed X-3 a stand-in for Malik Osman Karim Yaqoub / Mac X Spears), the performance’s translation pattern in which Jahin’s Arabic versions garnered the audience’s assent and solidarity, Suliman’s minor celebrity and Cairo OAAU role, and the June 1967 War’s disarticulation of the community, Suliman taken into custody from a list got “from the fuckin’ American Embassy,” deported via Alexandria to Greece, and reported by Mika’s Istanbul letter to have returned to the United States “because of his leg” (lines 493-555). Feldman reads the novel through Brent Hayes Edwards on diaspora as translation and its prosthetic props, Suliman’s shorter leg their embodiment. “Broken Taboos” closes the chapter: President Jimmy Carter’s July 1979 likening of the “Palestinian issue” to the U.S. civil rights movement, Moynihan’s Congressional Record statement that “any comparison—no matter how oblique—between Dr. Martin Luther King and Yasir Arafat affronts our own history,” Andrew Young’s forced resignation after meeting PLO representative Zehdi Terzi to postpone a UN Committee on Palestinian Rights report, Baldwin’s Nation open letter proclaiming Young “a hero, betrayed by cowards,” a statement by over two hundred Black politicians asserting Black Americans’ equal right to involvement in U.S. foreign policy, and Black leaders’ travels to Lebanon to meet Arafat and tour refugee camps — a 1979 framework of racial inclusion muting the 1967 structural critique, even as U.S. and Israeli linkages to apartheid South Africa, researched by the Congressional Black Caucus, became publicly evident (lines 559-571).

Chapter 3: Jewish Conversions: Color Blindness, Anti-Imperialism, and Jewish National Liberation (lines 573-777)

The chapter opens with the epigraph from Arnold Forster and Benjamin R. Epstein’s The New Anti-Semitism — “Anti-Semitism is an insidious disease. It can linger in the body politic almost invisibly for years without erupting” — and the ADL authors’ locating of the disease in a Radical Left expressing solidarity with “most radical and nationalistic blacks,” such that “just as the Jewish community was viewed as part of the enemy at home, the Jewish nation, Israel, was cast in the same role abroad,” and diaspora Jews’ security came to depend on Israel’s survival (lines 581-589). “Jewish Incorporability, American Exceptions” sets liberal pluralism’s incorporability of Jewish difference as exceptional against European exclusion, yet always partial, and gives the AJC’s professed non-Zionism from 1906, Morris Cohen’s 1919 “Zionism: Tribalism or Liberalism” — “A national Jewish Palestine must necessarily mean a state founded on a peculiar race, a tribal religion, and a mystic belief in a peculiar soil” — against Horace Kallen’s cultural-pluralist rebuttal that a Jewish homeland was “an essential element in the ‘harmonious adjustment of the Jew to American life.’” Reform Judaism from the 1885 Pittsburgh Platform to the American Council for Judaism’s anti-Zionism, and Jacob Blaustein’s 1950 exchange with David Ben-Gurion on halutziut as “free choice,” whose spirit was far less pressing after 1967 as the AJC shifted to mobilising American Jewish support for Israel (lines 589-607). “Instant Zionism” gives Podhoretz’s February 1974 New York Times Magazine diagnosis of a mass conversion of American Jews to Zionism after the June 1967 and October 1973 wars, its catalyst the “hidden apocalyptic terror” of anti-Semitism as an “irresistible will … to make this planet entirely Judenrein,” and Feldman’s observation that despite heated intra-Jewish antagonism, neoconservatives and radicals shared anxieties about Arab and Palestinian critiques and a subjugated investment in Palestine’s structured absence (lines 609-613). The Preface to Neoconservatism section retells Podhoretz’s commissioning and loss of Baldwin’s essay and the writing of “My Negro Problem—and Ours” (Commentary, February 1963) from Podhoretz’s Brooklyn childhood, his perception of Black men as “tough, beautifully, enviably tough,” his contrast of Jewish “memory of past glory and a dream of imminent redemption” with Black “stigmas” of past and color, and his conclusion that only “miscegenation,” “the wholesale merging of the two races,” could solve “the Negro problem” (lines 615-627). “Color-Blind Toughness” follows Podhoretz’s 1971 account of two traumas — 1967, with its rhetoric of inhabitants pushed “into the sea” and the feeling of “literal identification” that “kol yisrael arevim zeh ba-zeh, every Jew is part of every other,” and the “black revolution” epitomised by the Ocean Hill–Brownsville teachers strike (summer 1967 local-control experiment; May 1968 firing; a fall citywide halt leaving over one million students out of school for thirty-six days) — to his call for permanent hypervigilant resistance, and Glazer’s Affirmative Discrimination (1975) and “The Exposed American Jew” (1975): universalist inclusion now embracing “all humanity, without tests of race, color, national origin, religion, or language,” race-conscious remedies as reification, Jews at 3 percent of the population but as much as 20 percent of teaching and administrative positions, Israel as “an open, democratic society with an almost unparalleled measure of social justice and with a remarkably good treatment of its Arab minority” — silent on occupation and settlements — together forging, in Ian Haney-López’s phrase Feldman adopts, “reactionary colorblindness” (lines 627-649). “The Iron of Jewish Power” gives Kahane’s Jewish Defense League, Never Again! (1969) as its “program for survival,” its mimicry of the Black Panther Party, the May 1969 barricading of Congregation Emanu-el against James Forman’s “Black Manifesto” reparations presentation, the June 1969 advertisement “Is This Any Way for Nice Jewish Boys to Behave?” with the line “Maybe—just maybe—nice people build their own road to Auschwitz,” the “Every Jew a .22” summer camp, Kahane’s 1971 move to Israel, avowedly antidemocratic advocacy for the “purity” of Jewish blood, the Kach movement, and his mentor Jabotinsky’s 1923 “Iron Wall”: “Zionist colonization,” in Jabotinsky’s 1923 formulation, “can continue and develop only under the protection of a force independent of the local population—an iron wall which the native population cannot break through” — Kach legally banned in the mid-1980s for overt racism while Knesset leaders embraced Revisionist settlement (lines 651-659). “Sammler and the Spectacle” begins at line 661 and is unfinished at line 666: against a perceived crisis in Cold War liberalism, Podhoretz, Glazer and Kahane fused domestic racial discord to a post–June war Israel of masculinist Jewish toughness, a mix rendered in Saul Bellow’s Mr. Sammler’s Planet (first in the Atlantic Monthly at the end of 1969), narrated through Polish Holocaust survivor Artur Sammler; Ellen Pifer argues the novel was a watershed in Bellow’s trajectory toward neoconservatism, Allen Guttman wrote in 1973 that liberals were sympathetic and the New Left antagonised, Commentary called it “a beautiful defense of our common humanity,” and Edward Said’s contrasting estimation of Bellow’s violated humanism and of the iconic bus scene is introduced (lines 661-665). The section’s conclusion and the rest of the chapter are given under the continuation entry below.

Chapter 3: Jewish Conversions (continued, lines 667-777)

“Sammler and the Spectacle” concludes: Feldman reads Mr. Sammler’s Planet as ironizing Israeli toughness through Eisen (“iron”), Sammler’s Russian-turned-Israeli-turned-American son-in-law, whose post-June war sculptures are the “usual” Israeli kitsch — “Stars of David, branched candelabra, scrolls and rams’ horns, inscriptions flaming away in Hebrew: Nahamu! Comfort ye! Or God’s command to Joshua: Hazak! [Strengthen thyself!]” (p.170, line 667) — and who strikes the Black pickpocket twice with his bag of carvings: “The blood ran in points on his cheek. The terrible metal had cut him through the baize” (p.291, line 669). Sammler’s witnessing in Israel is distant spectacle (“tiny war sounds,” p.165) until Gaza, where the description dwells on “the dead, the unburied Arab bodies” (p.250, lines 671-675) without becoming identification. Bellow’s To Jerusalem and Back (1976) steadied the novel’s ambivalence, representing Palestinian perspectives only through pro-Israel discourse and closing on Lebanon with a transhistorical “cycle-of-violence” narrative (line 677). “Anti-Imperialism as Settler Colonialism” argues that the neoconservative narrative figured Jewish inclusion within Cold War regulation of a proper minority subject and refused Black Power’s Palestine, while the Jewish Left’s anti-imperialism also narrated Jewish settlement of Palestine as legitimate national liberation; Feldman cites Gabriel Piterberg — Zionism was “both a Central-European national movement and a movement of European settlers [seeking] to carve out for itself a national patrimony with a colony in the east” — Amy Kaplan on Exodus (1958) and its 1960 film, and Melani McAlister on the June war as a Vietnam-era victory to celebrate (lines 679-687). “Jewish Secularism, Jewish Socialism” gives Jewish Life / Jewish Currents (founded 1946, retitled 1958), a non-Zionist secular progressivism affirming Israel’s “inalienable right to exist”: Morris U. Schappes on Zionism’s “unswerving strategy of alliance with oppressive and imperialist ruling classes,” Louis Harap on the “conquest of Labor” failing the “acid test for socialist internationalism in the region,” the magazine’s stress on Soviet support and Andrei Gromyko’s November 1947 speech, its post-1967 support for Israel’s preemptive self-defense against Julius Lester’s dichotomy, Schappes’s 1964 call for “the abolition of white privileges,” and the February 1971 pamphlet “The Black Panthers, Jews, and Israel” — George Wald’s open letter to Huey P. Newton, Schappes’s “unconditional duty” of Panther support, and Rabbis Albert Axelrad and Robert E. Goldburg distinguishing the Panthers’ domestic struggle from their “unacceptable” PLO identification (lines 689-705). “Zionism’s Becoming Third World” gives the Jewish Radicalism anthology (1973), the Jewish Liberation Project’s socialist Zionism (“Long Live a Socialist and Anti-Imperialist Middle East!”), Aviva Cantor Zuckoff on exile’s “inherently oppressive nature,” Itzhak Epstein’s break with the Panthers after the July 1969 United Front Against Fascism conference, Tsvi Bisk’s “radical-zionist strategy for the 1970s,” M. Jay Rosenberg’s “To Uncle Tom and Other Jews” (Village Voice, February 1969), and the Committee for a Progressive Middle East, whose kibbutz romanticism Feldman says naturalized settler colonization (lines 707-723). “Conversion Narratives and Revolutionary Diaspora” and “The Freedom Seder and a Revolutionary Diaspora” give Jews for Urban Justice (founded 1966), its November 1970 five-point Middle East paper and open letter (“an Israeli people exists and they will not disappear, except through genocide,” p.78), Arthur Waskow’s account of the 1967 National Conference for New Politics, The Bush Is Burning! (1971) and its “Giant dress” analogy (p.93), and the Freedom Seder — the Passover 1969 haggadah first used at Lincoln Memorial Congregational Temple in Washington, D.C., before eight hundred people, theorising a “multiparticularist” diaspora: a “liturgy … that asserted the liberation of the Jewish People alongside the liberation of other peoples—not theirs as against ours, or ours as against theirs” (pp.19-20, lines 725-755). “Exilic Conversions and Decolonization” closes the chapter: Waskow’s diasporism still took the indigenization of the “Israeli people” as its point of departure, and Feldman turns past Breira (founded 1973) and New Jewish Agenda (1980) to Daniel Berrigan’s 1973 AAUG keynote — “I am a western Christian,” “in resistance against my government and my church. That position, as I read it, makes me something very much like a Jew” — in which “the wandering Jew became the settler Jew; the settler ethos became the imperial adventure” (p.228), and Berrigan imagines a nonviolent Palestinian mass claim to the right of return “welcoming Jews to a community of compassion” (p.233, lines 765-777).

Chapter 4: Arab American Awakening: Edward Said, Area Studies, and Palestine’s Contrapuntal Futures (lines 779-949)

The chapter opens with Said’s retrospective epigraph — “Until 1967, I didn’t think about myself as anything other than a person going about his work… . I was in New York when the Six Day War broke out and was completely shattered” (line 787) — and Feldman’s framing: between 1947 and 1949 over four hundred Palestinian towns and villages were razed and renamed, nearly 800,000 people were dispersed and prohibited from returning, and 150,000 Arabs remained in Israel under military rule, before the June 1967 occupation expanded tiered rule and settlement (lines 791-793). Ibrahim Abu-Lughod recruited Said to write for a special issue of Arab World; the result, “The Arab Portrayed” (Fall 1968), was, in Said’s words, “the origin of my book” — Orientalism (1978), dedicated to Ibrahim and Janet Abu-Lughod (lines 793-795). “Worldly Theorizing” situates Orientalism in ethnic studies and post-structuralism, and records its silences as Feldman lists them: the Reconquista, transatlantic slavery, the Haitian Revolution, transpacific migration and warfare, and gender and sexuality; Ronald Takaki’s annotations on his copy held that the book “left out Africans,” was “monolithic” and “one dimensional,” “top down, not from below,” based on “white sources,” and “overlooked class” (lines 797-811). “Contrapuntal Variations” elaborates Contrapuntalism across Culture and Imperialism (“intertwined and overlapping histories,” p.16), “The Palestinian Experience” (1968-69) — the “Jewish rhythm of life” (p.35) against a Palestinian rhythm that “has and would allow Christian, Moslem, and Jew to live in counterpoint with each other” (p.35) — the 1973 AAUG keynote “Arab and Jew” and “Bases for Coexistence” (1997): “We must think our histories together,” “however difficult that may be, in order for there to be a common future” (lines 819-829). “The (Connecting) Link Between” gives Amin al-Rihani as the hamzat al-wasl, the “(connecting) link between” East and West, Suad Joseph’s “Arab-” — “not quite free, not quite white, not quite male, not quite persons in the civil body of the nation” — the 1965 Hart-Celler Act, and the suture of neoconservatism to Israeli terrorism discourse in Terrorism: How the West Can Win (1986), edited by Benjamin Netanyahu, against which Said named the “essential terrorist”: “Do we really believe,” “that Arabs and Moslems have terrorism in their genes?” (lines 835-847). “In the Crosshairs of Area Studies” gives the August 1967 International Congress of Orientalists in Ann Arbor (nearly 2,500 registrants), whose officers declared that “the International Congress of Orientalists is not a political forum” (p.24), and the 1958 National Defense Education Act’s Title VI area-studies apparatus (lines 849-855). “AAUG: A Nascent Arab American Studies” gives the Association of Arab American University Graduates: outlined at Rashid Bashshur’s home during the ICO meeting, officially established in Chicago at the end of 1967 with five goals, publisher of Arab Studies Quarterly from 1979 (Said and Abu-Lughod its first general editors), of the December 1968 “Studies in Assimilation” collection, and of conference proceedings whose anticolonial Pan-Arab nationalism endorsed “the current necessary recourse of the Palestinian People to a war of national liberation of their historic homeland” (lines 857-893); and Operation Boulder, the Nixon administration’s multi-agency surveillance program, a primary target of which was AAUG cofounder and 1972 president Abdeen Jabara, which over three years produced dossiers on over 150,000 people before shutting down in 1975 (lines 895-903). “Shadows and Beginnings: “The Arab Portrayed”” tracks one paragraph through three texts: in “The Arab Portrayed” (p.5) the Arab as negative shadow — “The Jew of pre-Nazi Europe has split in two: what we now have is a Jewish hero, constructed out of a revived cult of the adventurer-pioneer, and his creeping, mysteriously fearsome shadow, the Arab” — in the October 1973 New York Times “Arab and Jew,” where the shadow is “kept in his place by American Phantom jets and U.J.A. Money,” and in Orientalism (p.286), where the revision makes Arabs and Jews “Oriental Semites” and, Feldman argues, occludes the relational dynamic while glimpsing the non-European Jew (lines 907-937). “A Critical Theory of Arab Reality” closes the chapter with Said’s 1974 AAUG presentation: against a “positivist pretense” (p.110), a “critical theory of Arab reality” (p.106) disassembling myths “into the interests they serve but whose presence they always hide” (p.107) (lines 939-949).

Chapter 5: Moving toward Home: Women of Color Feminisms and the Lebanon Conjuncture (lines 951-1215)

The chapter opens with the concluding lines of June Jordan’s “Moving towards Home” (1982) and traces the poem’s afterlife — Charting the Journey (1988), Until Return (2007), Suheir Hammad’s Born Palestinian, Born Black (1996) — and Jordan’s February 1989 Progressive column “Finding Our Way Home”: “I believe that the issue of a home for Lisa Steinberg [a six-year-old girl killed by her abusive father] and the issue of a home for the Palestinian people is one and the same: The question is whether non-Europeans, and whether children, everywhere, possess a human right to sanctuary on this planet” (lines 979-985). Feldman calls Jordan’s stance, following Cheryl Higashida, a “black internationalist feminism,” and records her October 2000 description of Palestinians’ exclusion from “normal, regular human rights” as the “moral litmus test of my life” (line 983). “The Invasion of Lebanon” gives Operation Peace for Galilee: the June-September 1982 siege, “killing tens of thousands of people,” the August departure of some fourteen thousand Palestinians including the PLO leadership for Tunis, the IDF’s September invasion of West Beirut and sacking of the Palestine Research Center, and the Phalangist massacre of between seven hundred and two thousand Palestinian and Lebanese civilians in Sabra and Shatila, for which Ariel Sharon was subsequently found personally responsible and which the UN General Assembly denounced as an act of genocide (lines 987-1003; see Lebanon invasion 1982 and Sabra and Shatila massacre for other sources’ accounts). It also gives the Reagan “war against international terrorism,” Ruth Wilson Gilmore’s shift “from military Keynesianism to post-Keynesian militarism,” and Likud’s incorporation of Mizrahi Jews alongside settlement intensification (lines 999-1003). “The State of War We Live In” gives Cherríe Moraga’s “Refugees of a World on Fire,” the introduction to the 1983 second edition of This Bridge Called My Back, whose litany includes “Thousands of unarmed people are slaughtered in Beirut by Christian militiamen and Israeli soldiers” and whose refrain is “this state of war we live in, this world on fire provides us with no other choice” (lines 1005-1039). “Palestine’s Absent Presence” records Nada Elia’s finding that Arab and Palestinian feminists are absent from This Bridge, as feminism’s “white sheep,” and INCITE!‘s 2001 formulation of Zionism as a “forgotten-ism” (lines 1041-1051). “Feminism’s Anti-Semitism and Anti-Arab Racism” gives Letty Cottin Pogrebin’s “Anti-Semitism in the Women’s Movement” (Ms., June 1982) — Zionism as “simply an affirmative action plan on a national scale” — Alice Walker’s Ms. forum letter of May 19, 1982 (“when it moves into other people’s lands, when it establishes colonies in other people’s territories, when it forces folks out of their kitchens, vineyards, and beds, then it must be opposed,” p.15), read through Michael Rothberg’s “multidirectional memory,” and the July 1982 Off Our Backs juxtaposition of Women Against Imperialism and Di Vilde Chayes (lines 1053-1066). “Bodies Ripped in Two” gives the NWSA’s 1981 “Women Respond to Racism” workshops, Rosario Morales’s poetic reflections, and a follow-up letter by Moraga, Julia Perez, Barbara Smith and Beverly Smith (the Black feminist Barbara Smith; see Open questions on the name) refusing to “fall into the trap of countering racism on the part of Jews with anti-Semitism” (lines 1067-1075). “The Forgotten Minority” gives Carol Haddad’s presentation at the NWSA’s 1982 plenary, the delegate assembly’s removal of any mention of Israel from its genocide resolution, Di Vilde Chayes’s second statement, and editor Jeanne Barkey’s “military conflict not a holocaust” note against Haddad, answered by Jane Creighton and by Haddad’s March 1983 letter (lines 1077-1091). “Structures and Agents” gives the 1983 NWSA plenary: Azizah al-Hibri — “you—as we stand here amongst you—have not found it in your hearts or minds to recognize us as part of the feminist concerns in this country except in the most distorted ways” — Evelyn Torton Beck’s defence of Pogrebin, and Barbara Smith’s call to separate “what Israel does when it functions as a white male-run imperialist state from what individual Jewish people’s responsibility in relation to that situation can be” (lines 1093-1101). “Recasting Silences” gives Jordan’s Lebanon writings from the taboo on Lebanon at the June 1982 New York disarmament mobilization: “Problems of Language in a Democratic State,” Living Room (1985, dedicated to “the children of Atlanta / and / the children of Lebanon”), her June 30, 1982 press-conference naming of the campaign as “genocide,” “conducted with American arms and American diplomatic support,” and “Apologies to All the People in Lebanon” (Village Voice, July 1982), whose figures — “they made close to one million human beings homeless / in less than three weeks and they killed or maimed / 40,000 of your men and your women and your children” — are the poem’s as quoted (lines 1103-1141). The closing section, headed “Moving toward Home,” gives the November 28, 1982 UNICEF fund-raiser at New York’s Ethical Cultural Center (more than five hundred people; organized by Jordan, Kathy Engel, Sara Miles and Kamal Boullata; John Conyers as master of ceremonies), Mahmoud Darwish’s exclusion — the program addendum stated the United States had classified him as “‘inadmissable’ under the Ideological Exclusion Clause” (spelling as printed) — and Jordan’s closing poems (lines 1143-1205). “Life after Lebanon” closes the chapter with Jordan’s essay of that title: “I am not now nor have I ever been a whiteman”; the “New Manliness” as a subject “who maintains a system of unequal power relations in order to preserve his own domination” (p.188); the “New Women,” many of them Jewish (Vivian Stromberg, Shulamith Koenig), who sustained her witness; the diagnosis that Palestinians “are not whitemen: They never have been whitemen. Hence they were and they are only Arabs, or terrorists, or animals” (p.191); Etel Adnan’s letter — “They never forgive you for thinking that Arabs are human beings” — and the closing horizon of a “tenable family of men and women as large and as invincible as infinite, infinitely varied, life” (p.195, lines 1207-1215).

Epilogue: On Shadows (lines 1217-1263)

The Epilogue reflects on shadows as both obscuring and revealing — “Historically sedimented relations of power rarely shift when new facts are brought to light” — and restates the book’s claim as a regime of racial relationality at the convergence of U.S. racial liberal inclusion and Israeli “permanently temporary” exclusion (lines 1221-1227). “Islamo-Fascism’s Racial Reactionary Genealogy” gives the August 2006 Israel-Hezbollah war (upward of one thousand killed, nearly one million displaced in southern Lebanon, thousands of U.S.-supplied cluster bombs fired in the last days) and President George W. Bush’s framing: “This is the beginning of a long struggle against an ideology that is real and profound. It’s Islamo-fascism” (line 1231); Norman Podhoretz’s World War IV: The Long Struggle against Islamofascism (2007), following Bernard Lewis, citing George Kennan’s 1947 “Sources of Soviet Conduct” at length — “Substitute ‘Islamofascism’ for ‘Russian-American relations,’ and every other word of this magnificent statement applies to us as a nation today” — and dating World War IV’s beginning before 9/11: 9/11 “actually represented the culmination of a long series of attacks” (p.25, lines 1235-1245); and the post-9/11 transit of Israeli security doctrine, technology and legal rationales into U.S. policing, surveillance, border construction, detention, targeted assassination and torture (lines 1245-1247). “America’s Last Taboo” gives the Durban World Conference Against Racism (days before September 11, 2001), where hundreds of NGOs resolved to work toward reinstating Resolution 3379; Omar Barghouti’s argument that the 1991 revocation recast Israel as a “normal member of the international community of nations” rather than a “colonial and inherently exclusivist state”; the NGO Forum declaration’s “racial domination of one group over another through the implementation of all measures designed to drive out other indigenous groups”; the Palestinian civil society calls of 2004 and 2005 that became BDS movement, with the four aims Feldman lists; and the American Studies Association’s December 2013 boycott resolution, adopted unanimously by its council and affirmed by 66 percent of over twelve hundred balloting members, followed by similar resolutions in three other scholarly associations by the end of 2014 — the breaching of what Said called “America’s Last Taboo,” the “narrative that has no permission to appear”—its systematic continuity of Israeli oppression and maltreatment of the Palestinians unacknowledged (lines 1249-1263).

Acknowledgments (lines 1265-1295)

Feldman traces the book’s contrapuntal orientation to a late-1990s United Jewish Appeal-funded ten-day tour of Israel taken as a Brown undergraduate, ending on Mount Scopus with “a troubled sense of my interpellation into a narrative that did as much to obscure as it did to illuminate,” and to a 1999 seven-month Brown-Wesleyan semester attending Hebrew University in the mornings and Al Quds University in the afternoons (line 1269-1271). The dissertation at the University of Washington was guided by Alys Eve Weinbaum and Nikhil Pal Singh; the Berkeley Ethnic Studies community, named archives and funders (including the John C. Flanagan Dissertation Fellowship and the Schlesinger Library), the American University of Beirut interlocutors, pathbreakers Rabab Abdulhadi, Melani McAlister, Hilton Obenzinger and Steven Salaita, University of Minnesota Press editor Richard Morrison, reviewers Amy Kaplan, Melani McAlister and Jodi Melamed, and family are thanked in turn (lines 1273-1295).

Notes (lines 1297-1332, opening only)

The Notes are organised by chapter, each chapter’s notes numbered from 1. This part gives the Prologue notes 1-9 in full (Baldwin’s “Letters from a Journey,” Harper’s Magazine, May 1963, 48; Zambrowska’s James Baldwin’s Turkish Decade (2009); Farès and Thompson’s Transition 105 (2011) interview; The Fire Next Time (1963; repr. 1993), 30; Standley and Pratt’s Conversations with James Baldwin (1989), 86, with the clarification that Baldwin toured Africa briefly in spring 1962; “Open Letter to the Born Again,” Nation 229, no. 9 (1979): 264; and Mead and Baldwin’s A Rap on Race in its Lippincott book edition (1971), 193, and its CMS Records recording edition (1972)) and Introduction notes 1-5 (Warren Bass, Support Any Friend (2003), 183, on Kennedy’s Hawk missile sale, with Ben-Zvi (2002); Stuart Hall and Doreen Massey’s conjuncture definition, Soundings 44, no. 1 (2010): 57, quoted in full; Daulatzai (2012), Jodi Kim (2010), Melamed (2011), Reddy (2011) and Rodríguez (2006); Bass again; and Novick (2009) with Diner (2010) on pre-1960 American Jewish Holocaust memory) (lines 1301-1331). The Introduction notes continue beyond line 1332.

Notes (continued, lines 1333-1998)

Introduction notes 6-64 (lines 1333-1449) complete the Introduction’s apparatus: the conjuncture and permanent-war citations (Young, Prashad, Weizman, Suri, Ophir et al., Lubin, Gowan, Mitchell, Jameson, Singh, Stoler, Foucault), the cultural histories of the U.S. attachment to Israel (Mart, McAlister, Davidson, Makdisi, Obenzinger, Salaita, Segev), settler colonial and Palestine scholarship (Shafir, Silberstein, Yiftachel, Abu El-Haj, Hochberg, Kimmerling and Migdal, Shohat, and the note 25 field survey from Collins and the Khalidis to Peteet and Zureik), the racial-relationality theorists (Cacho, Shu Mei-Shih, Chandler, Goldberg, Molina, Weheliye, Stam and Shohat, Winant), the Black-Jewish relations literature Feldman sets aside (note 43, Berman to Sundquist), the Arab American studies literature (note 44, Naber to Gualtieri), and the comparativity and exception citations (Stoler and McGranahan, Balibar, Melamed, Bannet, Mbembe, Gilroy, Lowe, Said, Schmitt, Traverso, Arendt — Origins of Totalitarianism cited at 293 and 290 — Piterberg, and Grossberg on conjunctural analysis). Chapter 1 notes 1-89 (lines 1451-1629) give the Resolution 3379 record in full: the resolution’s title and date, the Decade for Action resolution, and note 3’s complete sponsorship and vote lists (25 sponsors; 72 yes, the sponsors and 47 others; 35 no), the U.S. reaction’s newspaper and congressional sources, the Black Panther Intercommunal News Service serialisations, El-Messiri’s New York Times op-ed and its placement beneath a replica of the 1917 Balfour Declaration, the racial liberalism scholarship (Mills, Dudziak, Singh, Melamed, Daulatzai, Brodkin, Goldstein), the UN drafting history (League Charter Article 22, Resolutions 103(I), 1514 (XV), 395(v) and 3151(xxvii)(g), Mazower, the Civil Rights Congress’s We Charge Genocide, Schwelb on the racial discrimination convention), the “swastika epidemic” sources (the AJC’s As the UN Probes Prejudice and Caplovitz and Rogers’s Swastika 1960), the PRC sources (Jiryis and Qallab on the center; Friedman’s claim that the PRC was one of two key targets of the 1982 invasion, the other being Sabra and Shatila; Sayegh’s brothers Anis and Yusuf in the center’s leadership and Yusuf’s wife Rosemary Sayigh as ethnographer of Palestinian refugee experiences; Sayegh’s 1965 and 1970 monographs and Sa’b’s Zionism and Racism), Sayegh’s 1975 Third Committee statement as published by the PLO’s UN observer office in 1976, the Moynihan literature and texts (The Negro Family in the Rainwater and Yancey volume, “United States in Opposition,” A Dangerous Place, the Podhoretz Papers at the Library of Congress, the July 5, 1976 Hebrew University convocation address and the Weizmann Institute dinner remarks), the 1976 Tripoli symposium proceedings Zionism and Racism (1977) with Said’s “Intellectual Origins of Imperialism and Zionism” and Sayegh’s “Racism and Racial Discrimination Defined” (EAFORD 27, 1982), and the revocation record (A/RES/46/86, Bush’s September 23, 1991 General Assembly address, Obama’s March 4, 2012 AIPAC remarks), closing with Kenneth Marcus on the new anti-Semitism and Reddy. Chapter 2 notes 1-132 (lines 1631-1895) give the SNCC/PRC pamphlet source, Gilmore’s definition of racism, the long/short civil rights era distinction (Singh, Black Is a Country, 5-6), the Black internationalism and Black Power scholarship, the Afro-Zionism and Bunche/Robeson sources, Baldwin’s 1948 and 1967 essays, Wacquant, the internal colonialism literature and its critics (Omi and Winant’s “doomed” verdict, Byrd, Puar, Edwards on décalage), the 1967 conjuncture’s newspaper record, the Pan-African Cultural Festival sources (Hare, the inaugural Black Scholar contents, Cleaver on the International Section, Doss and Gaiter on Douglas), Fatah’s “Seven Points” as reprinted in the Laqueur and Rubin reader, the Graham Du Bois archive (Horne’s Race Woman, the Black Scholar and Egyptian Gazette/Variety journalism, Memorandum No. 28 of May 2, 1974 in the Newton Foundation collection at Stanford, the note that … And Bid Him Sing is the only serialised work of fiction the Intercommunal News Service published, and the Du Boises’ exemption from deportation by Ghanaian citizenship), and the 1979 Young affair record (Moynihan’s “An Unfortunate Comparison,” Congressional Record, August 2, 1979; Baldwin’s “Open Letter to the Born Again,” Nation, September 29, 1979, 263-64; the Washington Post’s “Foreign Policy Voice Demanded by Top Blacks,” August 23, 1979). Chapter 3 notes 1-49 (lines 1897-1998) give Forster and Epstein, the Jewish liberalism scholarship, the Jewish-question and diaspora literature (Anidjar, Brown, Mufti, the Boyarins, Butler), Cohen’s and Kallen’s 1919 New Republic exchange and Sa’b’s “Zionism and Racism” as Palestine Essays, no. 2 (PLO Research Center, 1968), the Blaustein-Ben-Gurion exchange sources, Podhoretz’s “Now, Instant Zionism” (February 3, 1974), Making It and the long anthologisation history of “My Negro Problem—and Ours” (note 27), Glazer’s Affirmative Discrimination and “Exposed American Jew,” the JDL sources (Kahane’s The Story of the Jewish Defense League, the June 24, 1969 New York Times advertisement, Obenzinger and Brenner on Jabotinsky), and the Bellow reception (John Podhoretz’s 2005 “Saul Bellow, a Neocon’s Tale,” Pifer, Guttman, Stock, Said’s Humanism and Democratic Criticism). The chapter 3 notes continue beyond line 1998.

Notes (continued, lines 1999-2664)

Chapter 3 notes 50-99 (lines 1999-2098) complete chapter 3’s apparatus: the pickpocket readings and Bellow citations (notes 51-54), Piterberg, Salaita, Kaplan and McAlister on Zionism and Exodus (notes 55-58), the Jewish Life / Jewish Currents record (Schappes, Harap, the February 1971 “The Black Panthers, Jews, and Israel” pamphlet), the Jewish Liberation Project’s Bancroft Library papers (notes 72-76), Bisk and Rosenberg in Jewish Radicalism, the Committee for a Progressive Middle East statement, and the Waskow, Jews for Urban Justice, Freedom Seder, Breira / New Jewish Agenda and Berrigan sources, closing with Berrigan’s “Responses to Settler Regimes” (1974), 226 (note 99). Chapter 4 notes 1-93 (lines 2099-2286) give the Said and AAUG apparatus in full: Davis, Schulz and Hammer, and Azoulay and Ophir on villages, diaspora and the one-state condition; Said’s 1956 “Nasser and His Canal” and Out of Place retrospect; “The Arab Portrayed” (1970), 1-9; the Orientalism appraisals and its ethnic-studies moment (Shohat quoted at length, note 12), Takaki’s copy via John Berry (note 20), the contrapuntal sources (Beginnings, Culture and Imperialism, “Arab and Jew,” “Bases for Coexistence”), Rihani and the Palestine Antizionism Society’s named members (note 42), the ICO proceedings and the NDEA history, the AAUG’s First Decade and 2007 Arab Studies Quarterly reflections (Bassiouni, Jabara, Abu-Laban, Bashshur), its New York Times statements, conference statements and resolutions, Operation Boulder (Stork and Theberge; Hagopian), the Sirhan defence account (note 79) — that a central part of Sirhan’s defence was trauma from his family’s 1948 dispossession and that his testimony recounted his personal experience of the 1948 war and post-1948 Palestinian life — and the shadow-paragraph sources, “Arab Portrayed,” 4, the October 14, 1973 New York Times “Arab and Jew” and “Orientalism and the October War” in Arabs in America, 112. Chapter 5 notes 1-79 (lines 2287-2448) give the Jordan and Lebanon apparatus: Higashida’s definition of Black internationalist feminism quoted at 2-3 (note 6), Jordan’s sixteen listed writings on Israel and Palestine (note 8), the 1982 war literature, chapter 5 note 12’s three sourced Sabra and Shatila estimates — the Israeli government estimated between seven hundred and eight hundred killed, the Lebanese government issued about twelve hundred death certificates, and the Palestinian Red Crescent Society estimated about two thousand dead — the This Bridge record (Moraga, Elia, Bulkin, Pratt and Barbara Smith), the Ms. and Off Our Backs record, the NWSA record (Sandoval, Lorde, Rich, Haddad, al-Hibri, Beck, Barbara Smith), Jordan’s Schlesinger Library papers and press-conference and fund-raiser recordings, and Darwish’s Memory for Forgetfulness. Epilogue notes 1-30 (lines 2449-2510) complete the Notes: Bush’s August 2006 statements, the 2006 Lebanon war histories, Gregory on infrahumanity (quoted from Gilroy), Podhoretz’s World War IV, 213-14, and Bernard Lewis’s “Second Acts,” the ASA boycott record including the December 4, 2013 council statement, the Social Text Periscope and Jadaliyya boycott essays, the January 2015 NWSA solidarity statement (note 28), Lubin on “America’s Last Taboo,” and Settler Colonial Studies’ reprinting of Sayegh’s 1965 monograph (note 30). The Index (lines 2511-2664, opening only) is organised by printed page, not line; this part gives the A entries in full — from AACF and AAUG through the extensive African Americans, anti-Semitism, Arab Americans, “The Arab Portrayed,” Arabs and AAUG entries — and the opening B entries: Baldwin, James (with his works and Israel visit, vii-xi), the Balfour Declaration, Balibar, Barghouti, Barkey, Barthes, Bashshur and the Basle Conference (1897), 38, 42. The Index continues beyond line 2664.

Index (continued, lines 2665-3330)

The Index continues, organised by printed page. This part gives the B entries from Bassiouni, M. Cherif, 173, through Blaustein — Beck, Begin (spelled “Menachim” as printed), Bellow, Ben-Gurion, Berger, Bernadotte, Daniel and Philip Berrigan, Bisk, the Black Arts movement, the extensive Black freedom movement, Black-Jewish relations, Black liberation, Black Muslims, the BNEC, Blackness, the Black Panther Intercommunal News Service, the extensive Black Panther Party entry, Black Power, Black radicalism, Black Scholar and Blauner — the rest of B (Boullata, Boumediene, Breira, described in the Index as an “(Israeli organization)” as printed, Brennan, Brickner, H. Rap and W. Norman Brown, Bulkin, Bunche, Buruma and both Bushes) and the C entries: Cacho, Cairo, the Camps, the Camp David Accords, Camus, capitalism and racial capitalism, Carmichael, Carson, Carter, Chamberlin, Charting the Journey, Chase, children and Lebanese children, Chomsky, civil rights, the Civil Rights Act and Congress, Clark, Eldridge and Kathleen Cleaver, Clinton, Cockburn, Morris Cohen, the Cold War, colonialism and internal colonialism, the CPME, the CPUSA, comparativity, the 1975 Non-Aligned foreign ministers conference, the Congressional Black Caucus, CORE, conjunctural analysis, Conrad, constructivism, conviviality, Conyers, counterpoint, Creighton, racialized criminality, Critical Inquiry, Cruse, Cullen and cultural production. The D entries give Dachau as metonym, Darwish, Davidson, Sammy Davis Jr., décalage, decolonization and Palestinian decolonization, the Deir Yassin massacre, American, Jewish and liberal democracy, Derrida, desegregation, the Afro-Arab, Black and Jewish diasporas, difference, Palestinian dispossession, Douglas, “Dreirer, Peter,” 132 (spelling as printed), the extensive David Graham Du Bois entry, Shirley Graham Du Bois and W. E. B. Du Bois. The E entries give the U.S. economy, Edwards, Egypt and the Egyptian Gazette, Eichmann, Einstein, Eisenhower, Elia, Elkholy, Elkins, Ellington, Ellison, Elmessiri and emancipation; the F entries open with empire, Engel, Entebbe, Benjamin and Itzhak Epstein, ethnicity, ethnic studies, Jewish ethno-nationalism, Eurocentrism, exceptionalism and exceptional relations, racial exclusion and exile. The F entries continue with the Falashas, Fanon, Farsoun, Fatah, COINTELPRO, Featherstone, feminism, the Feminist Arab-American Network, Arab American, Black, Jewish, U.S. and women of color feminists, Ferguson, Flowerman, Food for Our Grandmothers, U.S. foreign policy, Forman, Forster, Foucault, the Freedom Seder, Freedomways, Thomas Friedman and Furman. The G entries give Garment, Gemayel, gender, genocide and Nazi genocide, Gerson, ghettos, Gilmore, Gilroy, Glazer, “global 1968” and Goldberg; the H entries open with Goldburg, Gould, Gowan, Stephen Graham, Grandin, Gregory, Gromyko, Grossberg, Grossman, the Group of 77, Guha, the first Gulf War, Guttman, Haddad, Haganah (described in the Index as a “Jewish parliamentary organization” as printed), Hagopian, halutziut, Hamilton, Hammad, hamzat al-wasl, Haney-López, the Hans Wehr Dictionary, Harap, Hare and Harlem. The H entries continue with the “Hart-Cellar immigration reform act (1965)” (spelling as printed), Hassidism, Hentoff, Hervé, Herzl, racialized heteropatriarchy, Hezbollah, Hicks, Higashida, Himmelfarb, historiography, history, Hochberg, the Holocaust and Holocaust memory, U.S. homeland security, homo sacer, Hong, Hoover, Horkheimer, Hoyt, humanism and humanity. The I entries give identity, U.S. immigration policy, the extensive U.S. imperial culture entry, imperialism, INCITE!, inclusion, incorporability, American individualism, infrahumanity, the Institute for Palestine Studies, the Institute for Social Research, racial integration, Arab and Black intellectuals, the ICO, an International Convention on Human Rights (April 1968), the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination under its full title, International Humanitarian Law, internationalism and Black internationalism, the International League for the Rights of Man, EAFORD, the second intifada, Iraq, the Irgun, Islam, Islamo-Fascism — which the Index attributes at printed p.223 to “George H. W. Bush,” against the Epilogue text’s President George W. Bush — and the extensive Israel entry, followed by the Israeli Black Panther Party, the IDF and Israeli Peace Now. The J entries give Jabara, Jabotinsky, Jacqueline and Jesse Jackson, Jacobson, Jahin, Jameson, Japanese American internment, the Jerusalem Conference on International Terrorism, the Jewish American Reform movement, the Jewish Cultural Club, Jewish Currents, the JDL, the Jewish establishment, the Jewish Liberation Journal, the JLP and Jewish Life; Jewishness, the Jewish question, Jewish Radicalism, Jewish radicals, Jewish Social Studies, Jewish Voice for Peace, Jews, American, Ashkenazi, Black, Mizrahi, non-European and Sephardic Jews, Jews for Urban Justice, Jiryis, and June Jordan — whose poem is indexed as “Apologies to All the People of Lebanon” — Joseph, Judaism and Reform Judaism, the June war and justice. The K entries open with Kach and Kahane, then Kallen, Amy Kaplan, Katz, Kazarian, Kennan, Kennedy, “Kerim, Osman (Mac X Spears),” the Kerner Commission, Rashid Khalidi, kibbutzim, King, Kissinger, knowledge and knowledge production, Koenig and Kristol. The L entries give the Labor Bund, the “Lament of the Children of Israel in Rome,” Latin America, the League of Nations, Lebanon, the extensive 1982 Lebanon invasion entry, the American, Jewish and Radical Lefts, Lerner, Lester, Lewin, Bernard Lewis, and American, Cold War and racial liberalism, closing on the geographies of liberation. The Index continues beyond line 3330.

Index (continued, lines 3331-3994) and Author Biography

The Index concludes, organised by printed page. This part gives the L tail (liberty as civic religion, Liebman, Likud, Lorde, Lubin) and the M entries: Malcolm X, manifest destiny, masculinity in its Black and Jewish forms, Mbembe, McAlister, meaning making, Meir, multidirectional memory, American meritocracy, the Middle East Coordinating Committee, MESA, Ethel Minor, miscegenation, colonial and Euro-American modernity, Moraga, Morales, the “Moving towards Home” fund-raiser, the extensive Moynihan entry, Mr. Sammler’s Planet, Ms. Magazine and the Munich Olympics. The N entries give Muslims, “My Negro Problem—and Ours,” Naber, the Nakba and the Naksa, Nasser, the National Conference for New Politics, the National Defense Education Act, Israeli, Palestinian and Pan-Arab nationalism, the National Women’s Studies Association, Nazism and Zionism, the Négritude movement and U.S. neoconservatism. The O entries give racialized neoliberalism, Netanyahu, Huey Newton, the NYPD’s mapping of Arab/Muslim communities, the NGO Forum, the Nixon administration’s surveillance of Arab/Muslim populations, Obama, the Palestinian Occupied Territories, the Ocean Hill-Brownsville strike, the October war, Off Our Backs and Omi. The P entries give Operation Boulder, Operation Peace for Galilee, the OAU and the OAAU, OPEC, orientalism and the extensive Orientalism entry, and the extensive Palestine, PLO, Palestine question, Palestine Research Center, Palestinian liberation and Palestinians entries, followed by the Pan-African Cultural Festival, Jewish peoplehood, cultural and liberal pluralism, the extensive Podhoretz entry, Pogrebin, prisons and Puar. The R entries give the extensive race, racialization, racial liberalism and racism entries (including anti-Arab and anti-Black racism), A Rap on Race, the Reagan administration, the Reconquista, Palestinian and Jewish refugees, the extensive relationality entry, al-Rihani, Robeson, the Roonstrasse Synagogue, Sa’b, the Sabra and Shatila massacre — indexed with its number of dead at 276n12 — and the extensive Said and Sayegh entries, closing on Schappes. The S entries give Jewish secularism and socialism, segregation, self-determination, the September 11 attacks, settler colonialism and the extensive Israeli and U.S. settler colonialism entries, Settler Colonial Studies, shadows, Sharon, Shohat, Singh, Sing, Whisper, Shout, Pray!, Sirhan Sirhan, slavery, Barbara Smith (indexed at printed pp.201, 206, without disambiguation from the historian of the same name), South Africa and its ties to Israel, sovereignty, the Soviet Union, space, Stampnitzky (spelling as printed), Israeli and U.S. state violence, Staub and the extensive SNCC entry. The T-U entries give subject formation, the Suez Crisis, Arab and Black suffering, the “swastika epidemic,” Takaki, terrorism, Terrorism: How the West Can Win, Terzi, “Third World Round-up,” This Bridge Called My Back, totalitarianism, Jewish toughness, the United Front Against Fascism conference, the extensive United Nations and Resolution 3379 entries, the extensive United States and U.S.-Israeli relations entries, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Until Return, Exodus, victimhood, Vietnam, Di Vilde Chayes, the Village Voice, and imperial and racial violence. The W-Z entries give Wacquant, Wald, Walker, Wallerstein, permanent war, globalized warfare, the racialized warfare state, Waskow, Weheliye, whiteness, white supremacy, Women Against Imperialism, women of color, the women’s movement, the World Conference against Racism (2001), the World Conference of the International Women’s Year (1975), World War II, the World Zionist Organization, “Wrapping the Grapeleaves,” Yaqoub (indexed under that name form, at printed pp.94-95), Andrew Young, Zeadey, the extensive closing Zionism entry and political Zionism, and Zuckoff. The Author Biography (heading printed twice) identifies Keith P. Feldman as assistant professor of comparative ethnic studies at the University of California, Berkeley, and a core faculty member in its Program in Critical Theory, with writing in CR: New Centennial Review, MELUS, Antipode: A Radical Journal of Geography, Theory & Event, Jadaliyya, and Al Jazeera English (line 3993). The Index, the Notes and the book are complete.

Key passages

• “I have been, in America, the Arab at the hands of the Jews” — Baldwin, in A Rap on Race with Margaret Mead, as quoted by Feldman (lines 101-103).

• “zionism is a form of racism and racial discrimination” — UN General Assembly Resolution 3379, November 10, 1975, as quoted by Feldman (line 211).

• “The fading-out of a cruel and shameful period of world history has coincided with the emergence, at the land-bridge between Asia and Africa, of a new offshoot of European Imperialism and a new variety of racist Colonialism” — Fayez Sayegh, “Zionist Colonialism of Palestine” (1965), as quoted by Feldman (line 271).

• “We are of the liberty party, and it might surprise us what energies might be released were we to unfurl those banners” — Daniel Patrick Moynihan, “The United States in Opposition” (1975), as quoted by Feldman (line 311).

• “Since we Afro-Americans are an integral part of The Third World (Africa, Asia, Latin America, American Indians and all persons of African descent), then it is indeed necessary for us to know and understand what our brothers are doing in their homelands” — SNCC, on the framing of “Third World Round-up” (line 377).

• “Culture is a weapon in our struggle for liberation” — Houari Boumediene, opening the 1969 Pan-African Cultural Festival in Algiers, as quoted by Feldman (line 479).

• “Our problem is your problem,” and “It is not a Negro problem, nor an American problem. This is a world problem; a problem for humanity. It is not a problem of civil rights but a problem of human rights” — Malcolm X, “Appeal to African Heads of State” (1964), as quoted by Feldman (line 523).

• “A national Jewish Palestine must necessarily mean a state founded on a peculiar race, a tribal religion, and a mystic belief in a peculiar soil” — Morris Cohen, “Zionism: Tribalism or Liberalism” (1919), as quoted by Feldman (line 599).

• “the wandering Jew became the settler Jew; the settler ethos became the imperial adventure” — Daniel Berrigan, 1973 AAUG keynote, as quoted by Feldman (lines 771-773).

• “We must think our histories together” — Edward Said, “Bases for Coexistence” (1997), as quoted by Feldman (line 825).

• “The Jew of pre-Nazi Europe has split in two: what we now have is a Jewish hero, constructed out of a revived cult of the adventurer-pioneer, and his creeping, mysteriously fearsome shadow, the Arab” — Edward Said, “The Arab Portrayed” (1968), as quoted by Feldman (line 915).

• “It is time to make our way home” — June Jordan, “Moving towards Home” (1982), as quoted by Feldman (line 975).

• “Substitute ‘Islamofascism’ for ‘Russian-American relations,’ and every other word of this magnificent statement applies to us as a nation today” — Norman Podhoretz, World War IV (2007), as quoted by Feldman (line 1237).

• “By this diversionary trick he evaded answering the question: Does the definition of ‘racial discrimination’ adopted by the United Nations apply to Zionism or does it not?” — Fayez Sayegh, reply to Daniel Patrick Moynihan, as quoted in Feldman’s chapter 1 notes (line 1591).

Evidence the work relies on

As presented in parts 1-2: Baldwin’s 1961 Israel letters and published writings and the A Rap on Race recording’s exclusions (Prologue); Kennedy’s 1962 statement to Golda Meir (Introduction); UN records and debates — the 1963 Declaration and CERD drafting in the Third Committee, the 1946 General Assembly resolution, Resolution 3379’s text, preamble, vote and 1991 revocation, and Sayegh’s October-November 1975 remarks before the Committee on Social, Humanitarian, and Cultural Affairs and the General Assembly (chapter 1); AJC and ADL catalogues and pamphlets on the “swastika epidemic,” Studies in Prejudice and Horkheimer and Flowerman’s preface (chapter 1); PRC publications — Sayegh’s “Zionist Colonialism of Palestine” (1965) and 1970 monograph, Hasan Sa’b’s “Zionism and Racism” (1965), “Israeli Racism” (1975) and Do You Know? Twenty Basic Facts about the Palestine Problem (1966) — and the PLO Charters of 1964 and 1968 (chapters 1-2); Moynihan’s Beyond the Melting Pot (1963, with Glazer), “The Negro Family” (1965), “The United States in Opposition” (1975), his UN speech and post-UN memoir, Garment’s Third Committee argument and Webster’s Third New International Dictionary (chapter 1); the EAFORD 1976 Tripoli symposium proceedings (chapter 1); SNCC’s newsletter, including “Third World Round-up,” its photographs and Kofi Bailey’s cartoon, New York Times coverage and statements by the ADL, the American Jewish Congress and civil rights leaders, and the secondary literature and Kwame Turé’s 2003 autobiography (chapter 2); the Black Panther Intercommunal News Service, including Newton’s “In Defense of Self-Defense,” the “Fat’h Speaks to Africa” address, Douglas’s artwork and Graham Du Bois’s editorship and the May 1974 position paper (chapter 2); David Graham Du Bois’s … And Bid Him Sing and his Egyptian Gazette and Variety journalism, and Shirley Graham Du Bois’s letters (chapter 2); Forster and Epstein’s The New Anti-Semitism (1974), Cohen’s and Kallen’s 1919 New Republic exchange, Reform movement platforms, the Blaustein-Ben-Gurion exchange, Podhoretz’s memoir, “My Negro Problem—and Ours” (1963), his 1971 and February 1974 writings, Glazer’s Affirmative Discrimination (1975) and “The Exposed American Jew” (1975), Kahane’s Never Again! (1969), JDL advertisements and Jabotinsky’s 1923 “Iron Wall,” and Bellow’s Mr. Sammler’s Planet (chapter 3).

In part 2: Bellow’s Mr. Sammler’s Planet and To Jerusalem and Back (1976) and his Newsday dispatches (chapter 3); Piterberg, Kaplan and McAlister on Zionism, Exodus and the June war (chapter 3); Jewish Life / Jewish Currents editorials, Schappes’s and Harap’s writings, the 1971 “The Black Panthers, Jews, and Israel” pamphlet and the Wald, Axelrad and Goldburg contributions (chapter 3); the Jewish Radicalism anthology (1973), JLP, Bisk and Rosenberg texts, the CPME founding statement and Lerner’s reflections (chapter 3); JUJ papers, the JUJ open letter, Waskow’s The Bush Is Burning! (1971), the Freedom Seder haggadah and his 1970 New York Times column (chapter 3); Berrigan’s 1973 AAUG keynote (chapters 3-4); Said’s “The Arab Portrayed” (1968), “The Palestinian Experience” (1968-69), “Arab and Jew” (1973, in its New York Times and long AAUG versions), Beginnings (1975) and Beginnings: Intention and Method, Orientalism (1978), Culture and Imperialism, “Bases for Coexistence” (1997), “Between Worlds” and his 1974 AAUG presentation and 1985 Critical Inquiry contribution (chapter 4); Abu-Lughod’s and Said’s Arab Studies Quarterly statement of purpose (1979), Barbara Aswad’s 1974 survey, the “Studies in Assimilation” collection (Najjar, Abu-Lughod, Elkholy), AAUG conference proceedings, resolutions, films, information papers and New York Times advertisements, and Bassiouni’s and Hagopian’s Operation Boulder research (chapter 4); the ICO’s 1967 proceedings and W. Norman Brown’s address, and the NDEA (chapter 4); Jordan’s “Moving towards Home,” “Apologies to All the People in Lebanon,” “Problems of Language in a Democratic State,” Living Room (1985), “Life after Lebanon” and “Finding Our Way Home” (1989), and her June 30, 1982 press-conference remarks (chapter 5); Moraga’s “Refugees of a World on Fire” (1983) (chapter 5); Pogrebin’s Ms. essay (June 1982), the Ms. forum letters including Walker’s, the Off Our Backs July and October 1982 issues (WAI, Di Vilde Chayes, Haddad, Barkey, Creighton), NWSA conference reports and plenary texts (Morales, Haddad, al-Hibri, Beck, Barbara Smith) (chapter 5); the Village Voice Lebanon coverage and letters (chapter 5); the “Moving towards Home” fund-raiser program, its Darwish addendum and collective statement, and And Not Surrender (chapter 5); Bush’s August 2006 press statements, Podhoretz’s World War IV (2007) with its Kennan citation, and Graham on Israeli security expertise (Epilogue); and the Durban NGO Forum declaration, Barghouti on the 1991 revocation, the 2004/2005 BDS calls and the ASA’s 2013 resolution record (Epilogue).

In part 3 (the Notes): the scholarly and documentary apparatus itemised in the Notes entry above — for the Introduction, the conjuncture, settler colonial, Palestine-studies and relationality literatures; for chapter 1, the UN record of Resolution 3379 (including the full sponsorship and voting lists in note 3), the AJC and ADL epidemic studies, the PRC’s publications and Jiryis and Qallab’s history of the center, Sayegh’s published 1975 statement and 1982 EAFORD definition, and Moynihan’s speeches, memoir and papers; for chapter 2, the SNCC newsletter and Black Panther Intercommunal News Service record, the Pan-African Cultural Festival sources, and the Graham Du Bois papers and journalism, including Memorandum No. 28 in the Dr. Huey P. Newton Foundation Inc. collection at Stanford; for chapter 3, the 1919 Cohen-Kallen exchange, the anthologisation record of “My Negro Problem—and Ours,” and the JDL and Bellow-reception sources.

In part 4 (the Notes and Index opening): the chapter 3, 4, 5 and Epilogue notes itemised in the Notes entry above — for chapter 3, the Bancroft Library Jewish Liberation Project papers and the Jewish Currents and Jewish Radicalism texts; for chapter 4, Said’s writings from 1956 to 2001, the AAUG’s own First Decade, conference proceedings and 2007 reflections, and the Operation Boulder record in MERIP Reports and the Journal of Palestine Studies; for chapter 5, Jordan’s Schlesinger Library papers (MC 513, T-331), the Ms., Off Our Backs and Women’s Studies Quarterly exchanges, and chapter 5 note 12’s three named Sabra and Shatila estimates (Israeli government, Lebanese government, Palestinian Red Crescent Society); and for the Epilogue, the White House August 2006 releases, the ASA’s December 4, 2013 council statement and the NGO Forum declaration — together with the Index’s printed-page locators for the A and opening B entries.

In part 6 (the Index, lines 3331-3994, and the Author Biography): no new evidence is presented; the Index’s printed-page and note locators for the L-Z entries itemised in the Index entry above, closing with the extensive Zionism entry, and the Author Biography’s journal list.

In part 5 (the Index, lines 2665-3330): no new evidence is presented; the Index’s printed-page and note locators for the B-L entries itemised in the Index entry above, including the extensive entries for the Black freedom movement, the Black Panther Party, racial capitalism, the Cold War, David Graham Du Bois, U.S. imperial culture, inclusion and incorporability, Israel, Jewish Currents, Jews, American, June Jordan, knowledge production, the Lebanon invasion and racial liberalism.

Analysis

Feldman’s method in parts 1-2 is conjunctural and genealogical: he reads culture work immanently from within the archives of the 1960-85 conjuncture, tracks figures of comparison as political acts rather than equivalences, and holds conflicting accounts in relational tension rather than resolving them into identity. His central analytical moves are to define race relationally, to treat Palestine as a constitutive absence securing imperial sovereignty, and to recover Arab and Palestinian knowledge production — above all Sayegh and the PRC — as theory, against U.S. racial liberalism’s displacement of it by viral anti-Semitism and Soviet-threat frames. The limits visible in part 1 are those Feldman himself flags: analogy’s instability, the internal colonial model’s obfuscation of indigenous sovereignty, and the silences of his sources, including SNCC’s uncited borrowing and its anti-Semitic tropes, which he records rather than gainsaying. Claims are supported from the texts he quotes at length; where a figure is contested (for example Elmessiri’s Deir Yassin figure and SNCC’s facts) it is presented as the cited author’s claim, as in the Open questions below.

In part 2 the method is also contrapuntal in Feldman’s own practice: he reads Said’s one paragraph across its three versions to show a relational imaginary being revised, reads the AAUG archive against the area-studies apparatus that produced it, and reads the feminist anthology record against the conference-floor archive of dissensus, so that Palestine’s “absent presence” is documented from silences as well as statements. The Lebanon and Durban/BDS material extends the conjuncture’s genealogy past 1985 to 2006-2014 without changing its analytic: each later episode is traced back through the book’s own figures (Sayegh’s pumping-in/pumping-out, multiparticularism, the taboo) rather than argued from outside evidence.

In part 6, as in part 5, the Index presents no new argument; its locators confirm the weight the book itself gives its central figures and formations — the extensive entries for race, racial liberalism, relationality, Palestine, the PRC, Said, Sayegh, settler colonialism, SNCC, state violence, the United Nations and Resolution 3379, and the closing Zionism entry — and the book stands complete as read.

People, organizations, places and events

Keith P. Feldman, James Baldwin, Fayez Sayegh, Daniel P. Moynihan, Norman Podhoretz, Nathan Glazer, Meir Kahane, Saul Bellow, David Graham Du Bois, Palestine Research Center, Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee, Black Panther Party, Jewish Defense League, UN General Assembly Resolution 3379, Palestine Liberation Organization, American Jewish Committee, Anti-Defamation League, Fatah, Edward Said, Ibrahim Abu-Lughod, June Jordan, Arthur Waskow, Daniel Berrigan, Association of Arab American University Graduates, Operation Boulder, American Studies Association, Jewish Currents, Mahmoud Darwish, Sabra and Shatila massacre, Lebanon invasion 1982, Alice Walker

Concepts

U.S. imperial culture, Racial liberalism, Racial relationality, Permanent war, Black Power’s Palestine, Internal Colonialism, Settler Colonialism, Racism, Zionism, Black–Palestinian solidarity, Neoconservatism, Antisemitism, Contrapuntalism, Islamofascism, Orientalism, BDS movement, Exile, Right of Return, Negation of the Diaspora

How it relates to other sources

Feldman’s chapter 1 is a genealogy of the same Resolution 3379 that the editors’ introduction to Zionist Colonialism in Palestine names as Sayegh’s most lasting legacy, and it reads Sayegh’s 1965 monograph — ingested in full as that source — as the founding text of the PRC’s analysis, extending it through Sa’b, “Israeli Racism” and Sayegh’s 1975 UN presentation, which the Sayegh source page records only in summary. Feldman’s account of SNCC’s 1967 paper extends the treatment in Palestine: A Socialist Introduction, whose Chapter 9 treats SNCC’s “The Middle East Crisis,” by identifying the paper’s unacknowledged PRC source and its reception history. His Moynihan differs in emphasis from The Question of Palestine, which records Moynihan’s January 1976 Security Council veto and criticises A Dangerous Place; Feldman, writing later and from Moynihan’s domestic race work, presents the 1975 UN speech as racial liberalism’s international performance. His chapter 3 Podhoretz, Kahane and Bellow intersect with Perceptions of Palestine on Podhoretz as neoconservative propagandist for Israel, For the Land and the Lord: Jewish Fundamentalism in Israel on Kahane and Kach, and The Question of Palestine on Bellow’s representation of Arabs, in each case adding the post-1967 racial-justice crucible as the framing context.

Feldman’s chapter 4 is a genealogy of the Orientalism whose argument The Question of Palestine presupposes, locating its kernel in the 1968 “The Arab Portrayed” and its institutional emergence in the AAUG, a formation other ingested sources treat only in passing; his reading of the shadow paragraph’s Orientalism revision is his own textual claim, held here as his. His chapter 5 Lebanon narrative (invasion, PRC sacking, Sabra and Shatila) covers the same events as Israel: The Hijack State — America’s Watchdog in the Middle East and the accounts gathered on Lebanon invasion 1982 and Sabra and Shatila massacre, with different tolls and framings, held side by side under Open questions. His Epilogue’s BDS genealogy, from Durban through the ASA resolution, extends the movement history on BDS movement and in Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions: The Global Struggle for Palestinian Rights back to Resolution 3379’s attempted reinstatement.

Open questions

• Elmessiri’s op-ed, as quoted by Feldman, gives the 1948 Deir Yassin massacre as “254 unarmed Arab villagers” killed by Irgun and Stern Gang terrorists (line 215). The figure is recorded as Elmessiri’s claim in Feldman’s text and is not reconciled here with figures given by other ingested sources.
• Feldman presents SNCC’s “documented facts” as mixed in standing: many corroborated by later scholarly research, some stretching the historical archive, and the Rothschilds claim “completely specious” (line 459). Which facts fall in which class is not itemised in the part read.
• Feldman dates the founding of UNRWA to 1950 (line 233) and describes Britain’s Mandate for Palestine (1922) as “slated to expire after thirty years” (line 229); both are recorded as Feldman presents them and are not reconciled here.
• Feldman’s enumeration of Holocaust victims, at line 235, as six million Jews and five million others across the categories he lists there is recorded as printed and is not reconciled with other sources’ enumerations.
• The text describes the novel’s fictional Mohammed X-3 as Chicago-born (line 541) while describing Malik Osman Karim Yaqoub (Kerim), the real musician he stands in for, as Kansas City–born (line 543); both are recorded as printed.
• Feldman’s Sabra and Shatila tolls vary within the work: the chapter 5 introduction describes the massacre of “hundreds of Palestinians” (line 981), while “The Invasion of Lebanon” gives “between seven hundred and two thousand Palestinian and Lebanese civilians” killed by the Phalangist militia over three days (line 997). Both are recorded as Feldman presents them and are not reconciled here, or with the tolls given by other ingested sources on Sabra and Shatila massacre.
• Feldman gives the June-September 1982 siege as “killing tens of thousands of people” (line 993), and quotes June Jordan’s “Apologies to All the People in Lebanon” giving “close to one million human beings homeless / in less than three weeks and they killed or maimed / 40,000 of your men and your women and your children” (lines 1131-1135). The figures are recorded as Feldman’s and Jordan’s respectively and are not reconciled here with the Lebanese government figures given by other ingested sources on Lebanon invasion 1982.
• Feldman names the UN racial discrimination convention, in the AAUG context, the “Convention of the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination” (line 893), where chapter 1 and the convention’s own title give the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination; recorded as printed.
• As-printed slips recorded in part 2, not corrected: Harap’s position rendered “the state was justified military in defending itself” (line 699); Tsvi Bisk referred to with “She echoed Epstein in her unsparing refusal” (line 717); “with as must [sic] determination” in the CPME statement (line 723, the [sic] is the text’s own); “more publically discussed” in Barbara Aswad’s quoted survey (line 875); Darwish classified as “‘inadmissable’ under the Ideological Exclusion Clause” in the fund-raiser program addendum as quoted (line 1151); “Nagib Mafouz” among the Arab writers Boullata drew for (line 1147); Jordan “teaching at SUNY–Stonybrook” (line 1105); “Katushya rockets” for Hezbollah’s rockets (line 1231); and Barbara Smith’s 1983 NWSA formulation that a critical lens must be “able to separate what Israel does” (line 1099, grammar as printed).
• The Barbara Smith of chapter 5 is the Black feminist (a This Bridge Called My Back contributor and a signatory, with Moraga, Julia Perez and Beverly Smith, of the 1981 workshop follow-up letter, lines 1071, 1097-1099), a different person from the historian Barbara J. Smith whose The Roots of Separatism in Palestine (1993) is the subject of the existing Barbara Smith page; no Feldman material has been added to that page, and this page’s chapter 5 references are left unlinked to it to avoid conflating the two.
• Sa’b’s “Zionism and Racism” is presented in the chapter 1 text as written for the PRC in 1965 (line 275), while both notes that cite it give a 1968 publication: chapter 1 note 54 (Beirut: Palestine Liberation Organization Research Center, 1968) and chapter 3 note 14 (Palestine Essays, no. 2, Beirut: PLO Research Center, 1968). Writing and publication dates are recorded as printed and are not reconciled here.
• Repeated citations vary across the Notes read in part 3, all recorded as printed and not reconciled: Singh’s Black Is a Country is dated 2005 (chapter 1 note 16) and 2004 (chapter 2 note 8); Novick’s The Holocaust in American Life is dated 2009 (Introduction notes 5 and 24) and 1999 (chapter 1 note 31); Anidjar’s The Jew, the Arab is dated 2003 (chapter 1 note 33) and 2002 (chapter 3 note 4); Arendt’s book is Origins of Totalitarianism (Introduction note 61) and The Origins of Totalitarianism (chapter 1 note 32); Ophir et al.’s The Power of Inclusive Exclusion is published by MIT Press (Introduction note 9) and by Zone Books (Introduction note 25); Shafir’s Land, Labor, and the Origins of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict is published by Cambridge University Press (Introduction note 20) and by University of California Press (Introduction note 22); McAlister’s Epic Encounters is subtitled 1945-2000 (Introduction note 18) and since 1945 (chapter 1 note 76); Lubin’s Geographies of Liberation is subtitled The Making of an Afro-Arab Imaginary (Introduction note 10) and The Making of an Afro-Arab Political Imaginary (chapter 2 note 13); Peteet’s book is Landscapes of Hope and Despair (Introduction note 25) and Landscape of Hope and Despair (Introduction note 34); Joseph’s Black Power history is Waiting ‘Til the Midnight Hour (chapter 2 notes 29 and 56) and Waiting for the Midnight Hour (chapter 2 notes 42 and 44); the Watts-edited Cruse volume is Revisited (chapter 2 note 26) and Reconsidered (chapter 2 note 41); the Laqueur and Rubin reader is The Israel-Arab Reader edited by “Walter Lacquer” (chapter 1 note 44) and The Arab-Israeli Reader edited by Walter Laqueur (chapter 2 note 94); the novel’s Cairo band is the “Cairo Jazz Combo” in the chapter 2 text (line 541) and the “Cairo Jazz Quartet” in chapter 2 note 124; David Graham Du Bois’s “The Confrontation in the Middle East,” Black Scholar 5, no. 3 (1973): 32, is cited under his name in chapter 2 note 109 and under Shirley Graham Du Bois’s name, with the same title, issue and opening page, in chapter 2 note 100; and Introduction note 32 pairs Obenzinger’s name with the title America’s Palestine, where Introduction note 18 gives Obenzinger’s book as American Palestine: Melville, Twain, and the Holy Land Mania and America’s Palestine as the title of Lawrence Davidson’s book in the same note.
• The October 1966 Black Panther Party Platform and Program, as quoted in chapter 2 note 73, reads “The Germans are now aiding the Jews in Israel for the genocide of the Jewish people” and “[reparation] is a modest demand that we make”; the wording is recorded as printed in the note and is not reconciled here.
• As-printed slips recorded in part 3, not corrected: “Habeus Viscus” for Weheliye’s book (Introduction note 38); Abu El-Haj’s Facts on the Ground subtitled “in Israel Society” (Introduction note 22); “Nikhil Singh” for Nikhil Pal Singh (Introduction note 57); lowercase session numerals in Resolutions 395(v) and 3151(xxvii)(g) (chapter 1 notes 29-30); “Candance Rogers” (chapter 1 note 35); “Walter Lacquer” (chapter 1 note 44); “Menachim Begin” (chapter 1 note 55); “Haney-Lopéz” (chapter 1 note 59); “Daedelus” twice (chapter 1 note 60); “Harpers” without apostrophe (chapter 1 note 72); “Detente” without accent (chapter 1 note 73); Moynihan’s essay cited as “United States in Opposition” without “The” (chapter 1 note 63) and Glazer’s as “Exposed American Jew” without “The” (chapter 3 note 37); Newton’s essay cited as “In Defense of Self Defense” without hyphen (chapter 2 note 39); “Eva Cherniavksy” (chapter 2 note 34); “Sunquist” for Sundquist (chapter 2 note 95); “Collete Gaiter” (chapter 2 note 83); a colon for a semicolon after “32-37” in Shirley Graham Du Bois’s bibliography (chapter 2 note 100); Graham Du Bois’s Variety piece short-titled “1-Man” (chapter 2 note 124); Pappe without accent and Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine without its leading “The” (chapter 2 note 62); “Black Classic” as publisher (chapter 2 note 71); “McGraw Hill” without hyphen (chapter 3 note 1); “in which of which” (chapter 3 note 9); a comma after “Lawrence Grossman” in “As an AJC historian, Lawrence Grossman, puts it” (chapter 3 note 22); “during civil rights movement” without “the” (chapter 3 note 27); “Kaplana Seshadri-Crooks” (chapter 3 note 31); “Judith Tylor Baumel” (chapter 3 note 38); “Philippe Somonne” (chapter 3 note 44); and no comma after “Columbia University Press” in the Said citation (chapter 3 note 49). Chapter 1 note 40 again names the convention the “International Convention of the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination”, the wording already held above from chapter 4.
• Repeated citations and spellings vary across the Notes read in part 4, all recorded as printed and not reconciled: the Jewish Radicalism editor is “Peter Dreir” in chapter 3 note 70, “Peter Dreier” in chapter 3 note 27’s anthologisation list (line 1953), and “Peter Dreirer” in the chapter 3 text (line 709), and the Index (line 2879) gives a fourth entry under the third form, “Dreirer, Peter,” 132; Staub’s Torn at the Roots is dated 2004 in chapter 3 note 85 (line 2069) and 2002 in chapter 1 note 21 (line 1493) and in chapter 3 note 3 (line 1903); Azoulay and Ophir’s book is The One State Condition in chapter 4 note 3 and The One-State Condition in chapter 5 note 9; Jordan’s February 1989 column is “Finding Our Way Home” in the chapter 5 text (line 981) and “Finding the Way Home” in chapter 5 note 5; Jordan’s poem is “Apologies to All the People in Lebanon” in the chapter text and chapter 5 note 8 and “Apologies to All the People of Lebanon” in chapter 5 note 67; Some of Us Did Not Die is published by Basic in 2002 in chapter 5 note 63 and by Basic Books in 2003 in chapter 5 note 77, for the same collection; the Racial Formation in the Twenty-First Century editor is “HoSang” in chapter 5 note 24 and “Ho Sang” in Epilogue note 11; the “Forgotten ‘-Ism’” co-author is “Desouky” in chapter 5 note 35 and “Souky” in Epilogue note 17, and its anthology is Color of Violence: The INCITE! Anthology in chapter 5 note 35 and The Incite! Anthology in Epilogue note 17; and Arendt’s book is Origins of Totalitarianism in the Index (line 2633) against The Origins of Totalitarianism in chapter 1 note 32, the Introduction note 61 form Origins of Totalitarianism agreeing with the Index.
• Chapter 5 note 12’s three Sabra and Shatila estimates (Israeli government 700-800; Lebanese government about 1,200 death certificates; Palestinian Red Crescent Society about 2,000) span, and are the named sources for, the chapter 5 text’s range of between seven hundred and two thousand (line 997); they are recorded as the note presents them and are not reconciled with the other tolls held above or on Sabra and Shatila massacre.
• As-printed slips recorded in part 4, not corrected: “Peter Dreir” (chapter 3 note 70, see above); “Toward and Intellectual History of the Postwar Years” for the subtitle of The Cold War and the University in chapter 4 note 12 (line 2123); “Ehd Ya’ari” for the Israel’s Lebanon War co-author (chapter 5 note 10); “Yegenoglu” without diacritics for the Colonial Fantasies author (chapter 4 note 15); and a colon for a comma before the page in Said’s “Between Worlds” citation (chapter 4 note 37). Chapter 3 note 67 gives the discussant as “Morris Schappes” in the article title position against “Morris U. Schappes” in the byline position of the same note.
• The Index attributes the printed p.223 discussion of Islamo-Fascism to “George H. W. Bush” (line 3169), where the Epilogue text (line 1231) attributes the August 2006 “Islamo-fascism” framing to President George W. Bush; both are recorded as printed and are not reconciled here.
• The Index describes Breira as an “(Israeli organization)” (line 2721) and Haganah as a “(Jewish parliamentary organization)” (line 3043); both descriptors are recorded as printed and are not reconciled here.
• The Index gives June Jordan’s poem as “Apologies to All the People of Lebanon” (line 3247), the form also given in chapter 5 note 67, against “Apologies to All the People in Lebanon” in the chapter 5 text and chapter 5 note 8; and it gives the musician indexed as “Kerim, Osman (Mac X Spears)” (line 3277), against the chapter 2 text’s Malik Osman Karim Yaqoub (Kerim). All forms are recorded as printed.
• As-printed slips recorded in part 5, not corrected: “Menachim Begin” in the Index (line 2669), the same form as in chapter 1 note 55; and “Hart-Cellar” for the Hart-Celler immigration reform act (line 3065). The Index gives the racial discrimination convention under its full title, International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (line 3149), against the shortened forms recorded above from the text and notes.
• As-printed slips recorded in part 6, not corrected: “Reconquista in (1492)” in the Index (line 3667, wording verified at the byte level); “Stampnitzky, Leah” in the Index (line 3811), cited at printed pp.189-90; and “Positivist” capitalised in the totalitarianism entry’s subentry “Positivist critique of, 33” (line 3865). The Author Biography heading is printed twice (lines 3989 and 3991).
• The Index’s United Nations entry lists a “Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD, 1963)” (line 3887), attaching the CERD abbreviation to the Declaration; the work’s chapter 1 and chapter 4 contexts distinguish the 1963 Declaration from the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. Recorded as printed.
• The Index gives Barbara Smith at printed pp.201, 206 (line 3783) with no disambiguation; in context these are the chapter 5 Black feminist’s pages, distinct from the historian Barbara J. Smith held above.
• The Index and the Notes are now complete, and the book is read in full.

Coverage

lines 1-3994 of 3994, read in full in parts 1-6 of 6