For Palestine — Essays from the Tom Hurndall Memorial Lecture Group

Summary

For Palestine (Open Book Publishers, 2023), edited by Ian Parker, gathers the sixteen Tom Hurndall Memorial Lectures given in Manchester from 2005 to 2021 in memory of Tom Hurndall, the MMU photography student shot by an Israeli sniper in Rafah on 11 April 2003 while rescuing children and who died on 13 January 2004. In the part read so far, the front matter and Introduction — by Ian Parker on the lecture series’ contested history at Manchester Metropolitan University and by Annapurna Waughray on Tom Hurndall’s life and death — are followed by Salman Abu Sitta’s chapter arguing that the Right of Return of the Palestinian refugees is the key to peace and is physically feasible, Richard Kuper’s chapter arguing that singling out Israel is justified and that Israel is in daily breach of the Fourth Geneva Convention in the occupied territories, Ilan Pappe’s chapter arguing that the Oslo paradigm looked for the key in the wrong place and that a Settler Colonialism paradigm is needed, concluding that Israel rules the occupied territories through Mega-prison models and that decolonisation of the whole of historical Palestine is required, Kamel Hawwash’s chapter presenting the Palestine Strategy Study Group report Regaining the Initiative, Avi Shlaim’s chapter arguing through the Iron wall strategy that Israel is legitimate only within its original boundaries and has become a rogue state, Karma Nabulsi’s chapter grounding Palestinian identity in the General will, and the opening of AlQaisiya, Hilal and Maikey’s chapter on dismantling the image of the Palestinian homosexual and the role of AlQaws, Eyal Weizman’s chapter setting out the Politics of verticality, Daniel Machover’s chapter presenting the Russell Tribunal on Palestine’s finding that Israel’s rule amounts to Apartheid as a matter of law, Rania Masri’s chapter concluding that the BDS movement is a path to make apartheid fall faster, Adam Hanieh’s chapter arguing Oslo was functional for Israel and rested on a cultivated Palestinian social base, Green and Smith’s chapter documenting forced eviction through planning, the wall and Judaization, Miriyam Aouragh’s chapter on Cybercide and Hasbara, and Salma Karmi-Ayyoub’s chapter arguing the 2018 Nation-State Law makes Israel an Ethnocracy (For Palestine — Essays from the Tom Hurndall Memorial Lecture Group, PDF p.4-250).

What the file is

The Open Book Publishers edition, copyright ©2023 Ian Parker (ed.), with copyright of individual chapters maintained by the chapters’ authors, licensed CC BY-NC 4.0 (PDF p.5). Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2023, DOI 10.11647/OBP.0345; ISBN Digital (PDF) 978-1-80511-027-9, Paperback 978-1-80511-025-5, Hardback 978-1-80511-026-2, EPUB 978-1-80511-028-6, XML 978-1-80511-030-9, HTML 978-1-80511-031-6 (PDF p.5). 297 PDF pages, about 95,824 words. Printed pagination runs from roman-numeral front matter through an Introduction at printed p.1 and chapter 16 ending at printed p.261, with a List of Illustrations at printed p.263 and an Index at printed p.265. The front cover image is by Tom Hurndall, Figure in front of tank at Rafah, Gaza (April 2003); cover design by Jeevanjot Kaur Nagpal (PDF p.5). The text copy carries === PDF p.N === markers. PDF p.1, p.3, p.14, p.30 and p.61 are blank in the text copy. Several pages carry only a figure caption in the text copy (PDF p.6 Fig. 1, p.13 Fig. 2, p.42 Fig. 4, p.62 Fig. 5); those figures were read in the original and are described in the reading notes — Fig. 1 a photograph of Tom Hurndall seated in the Al Ruweished camp, Fig. 2 the Wikimedia (2018) map of Israeli-controlled territories with its legend (Country border; the 1949–1967 “Green Line”; Borders of the Palestinian Authority; East/West Jerusalem), its dark-blue Israel, lighter-blue Golan Heights, pale West Bank labelled “Occupied by Israel” and labelled Gaza Strip, and its place names as printed on the map (including “Ashkeoln” and “Bersheeba”), Fig. 4 a photograph of a human shield lying on a power-station roof, and Fig. 5 a photograph of a soldier leaning from an armoured bulldozer cab at Rafah. Figures in this part, read in the original: Fig. 10 (PDF p.144) a colour photograph of shell-damaged, bullet-pocked buildings in Rafah with rubble in the foreground; Fig. 11 (PDF p.164) a colour photograph of an Israeli armoured vehicle on a sandy hilltop at Rafah flying an orange flag, with the sea behind; Fig. 12 (PDF p.178) a close colour photograph of the rear of an Israeli armoured personnel carrier. PDF p.163 is blank in the text copy and, checked in the original, blank in the printed book as well — no text, page number or figure. PDF p.195 and p.231 are likewise blank in the text copy. Figures in this part, read in the original: Fig. 13 (PDF p.196) ISM volunteers in orange vests with arms raised facing an IDF bulldozer beside a damaged building at Rafah; Fig. 14 (PDF p.214) a young man seated in dirt and barbed wire holding an orange vest, the rear of an Israeli APC filling the upper frame; Fig. 15 (PDF p.232) men carrying coffins draped in green in a funeral procession; Fig. 16 (PDF p.242) a lone figure in a dusty Rafah street between damaged buildings, with smoke or dust behind and no IDF vehicle visible in the image itself, against its caption; Fig. 17 (PDF p.250) a man in a raised platform burning a United States flag.

Section by section

• Contents and lecture list (PDF p.7-10 / printed p.vi-ix): sixteen chapters in lecture order, listed with printed page ranges in the reading notes, preceded by a list of the sixteen Tom Hurndall Memorial Lectures from November 2005 (Salman Abu Sitta) to December 2021 (Lara Sheehi), with each lecturer’s affiliation and lecture title as given there. Chapter titles differ from lecture titles in several cases; both forms are recorded in the reading notes.

• Acknowledgements (PDF p.11-12 / printed p.x-xi): the unsigned Acknowledgements state that the chapters follow, in order, the topics presented, with some amendments and in some cases new pieces of writing reflecting the lectures; the Tom Hurndall Memorial Lecture Group has no institutional funding and brings together colleagues from MMU, the University of Manchester, the University of Salford and the University of Central Lancashire; “ISM” in captions is the International Solidarity Movement; Rafah, the separation wall and the sterilised strip are explained, and Rachel Corrie is noted as killed by an IDF bulldozer the month before the March-April 2003 photographs.

• Contributors (PDF p.15-20 / printed p.xiv-xix): biographies of all contributors in alphabetical order, recorded in full in the reading notes, including Miriyam Aouragh, Wala AlQaisiya, Penny Green, Adam Hanieh, Ghaith Hilal, Kamel Hawwash, Richard Kuper, Salma Karmi-Ayyoub, Tim Llewellyn, Daniel Machover, Haneen Maikey, Rania Masri, Karma Nabulsi, Ilan Pappe, Ian Parker, Amelia Smith, Avi Shlaim, Lara Sheehi, Salman Abu Sitta, Annapurna Waughray and Eyal Weizman.

• Foreword, by Jocelyn Hurndall (PDF p.21-22 / printed p.xxi-xxii): Tom’s mother thanks the speakers and the editor, quotes Tom’s diary of 2 November 2001 on wanting to be proud of what he has done, and records that the family campaigned after an IDF cover-up and that the soldier received an eight-year sentence for Tom’s manslaughter in a case that “made legal history in bringing the IDF to account for its killing of an unarmed civilian” (see Open questions on the sentence figure).

• Introduction, Part I, by Ian Parker (PDF p.23-26 / printed p.1-4): the history of the lecture series from its initiation under Jules Townshend at MMU in 2005, through its organisation by Parker, Anandi Ramamurthy, Annapurna Waughray, Christian Klesse and others, to the online fifteenth and sixteenth lectures in 2020-2021; the unresolved dispute with MMU management over a commemorative sculpture, from which management stipulated the reference to Tom’s death in Gaza be removed from the plaque and the site moved from All Saints to Birley Fields; and the lectures’ organisation “against opposition from fervent supporters of the Israeli State, and in the face of repeated attempts to have the lecture series excluded from MMU premises”. The lectures are presented as “a record of an evolving analysis in solidarity with the Palestinian people”.

• Introduction, Part II, “I am not afraid to look”, by Annapurna Waughray (PDF p.26-29 / printed p.4-7): Tom Hurndall’s life and death, from his February 2003 travel via Jordan to Iraq with the Human Shields and his articles for MMU’s student magazine PULP, through his March 2003 photography in the Al Ruwaished refugee camp and his work with the ISM in Rafah from 6 April 2003, to his shooting on 11 April 2003 while rescuing two children, his death on 13 January 2004 aged twenty-two, and the conviction of Wahid Taysir Hayb (see Open questions). All facts, accounts and quotations in Part II are stated to be taken from The Only House Left Standing: The Middle East Journals of Tom Hurndall (Trolley Books Ltd, 2012).

• Chapter 1, Salman Abu Sitta, “The Key to Peace: The Return of the Refugees” (PDF p.31-41 / printed p.9-20): taken from an article on the Palestine Land Society website (footnote, PDF p.31). Abu Sitta argues that the 1948 expulsion was the largest Ethnic Cleansing operation in modern history — 530 towns and villages expelled, at least thirty-five reported massacres, 89% of villages depopulated by military assault and 10% by psychological warfare according to recently released Israeli files — that the 5.25 million refugees were 85% of the Palestinian inhabitants of the land that became Israel and their land is 92% of Israel’s area, and that the Right of Return, affirmed in UN General Assembly Resolution 194 over 100 times in fifty-two years and enshrined in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, cannot be negotiated away. Against the claim that the country is full, his Areas A/B/C demography (78% of Jews in 14% of Israel; Area C, 86% of Israel, largely refugee land, held by 200,000 rural Jews, of whom 8,600 are Kibbutzniks) and his two return scenarios (362,000 Lebanon refugees to Galilee; 760,000 Gaza refugees to the south, affecting at most 78,000 rural Jews) are meant to show return is physically feasible. The “Jewish character” objection is examined legally (quoting Thomas Mallison), socially (the “Melting Pot” section), demographically (Palestinians 47% of the whole population of Palestine in 2005) and religiously, and found to be a justification for keeping the land. The chapter also covers the Present Absentees (250,000), the Custodian of Absentee Property, the Development Authority and the Israel Land Administration (ILA, controlling 92.6% of Israel’s area), Unrecognized villages and the Green Patrol in Beer Sheba, and closes with a “US Policy” section ($135 billion in US aid, more than to Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean combined, as given).

• Chapter 2, Richard Kuper, “Human Rights in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict” (PDF p.43-60 / printed p.21-38): Kuper first answers the “singling out Israel” charge — conceding criticism is sometimes exaggerated or demonising and that antisemitism must not be dismissed as phoney, giving his own South African Jewish autobiography and six reasons Israel singles itself out (its founding principles and “most moral army” claim; the holy sites and UN Resolutions 181 and 478; US aid and vetoes; its claim to be the home of world Jews; its presentation as a bastion of Western values in the “war against terror”; and the length of the occupation) — then contrasts rhetoric with practice under international humanitarian law. Working through the Fourth Geneva Convention by theme — humane treatment (Article 27; the checkpoint system, of whose more than 600 West Bank barriers no more than twenty-six are between Israel and the occupied territories; women giving birth at checkpoints; the Family Unification Law), torture (Articles 31-32; the 2003 Public Committee Against Torture report and the “necessity defense”), collective punishment (Article 33; closure and curfew; house demolitions under DER 119) and settlements (Article 49(6); about 450,000 settlers as of 2006, including at least 180,000 in East Jerusalem; B’Tselem and the Peace Now Private Land Report of November 2006, with nearly 40 percent of settlement land privately owned by Palestinians) — he argues Israel is in daily breach, some breaches probably amounting to war crimes under Article 147. He then answers Israel’s non-applicability argument under Article 2, its voluntary-application and private-initiative claims, and the plea of military necessity, and sets out the ICJ advisory opinion of 9 July 2004 on the Wall in detail. The chapter closes with B’Tselem’s figures on the killing in Gaza in late 2006 (Olmert’s 300 “terrorists”, including 155 who did not take part in fighting, among them 61 children; 77 additional dead in Beit Hanoun from 1 November 2006), Uri Avnery on the 155mm ammunition used at Beit Hanoun, and the conclusion that the Israeli army acts with impunity.

• Chapter 3, Ilan Pappe, “New-Old Thinking on Palestine” (PDF p.63-71 / printed p.41-49, chapter unfinished in this part): Pappe argues the Oslo efforts were directed from Washington under a paradigm of parity — 1967 as the conflict’s starting point, Palestine reduced to the West Bank and Gaza (22% of historical Palestine), partition reflecting the balance of power — that dominated from 1970s shuttle diplomacy to Oslo in 1993; summarising Amira Hass in Ha’aretz (4 September 2018), he presents Oslo as perpetuating the occupation through the Civil Administration, separation, water partition, house demolition and the Areas A/B/C division informally annexing 60 percent of the West Bank. By 2019, he argues, Israel had moved to unilateral annexation, fragmentation, ethnic cleansing and strangulation, Trump’s expected “Deal of the Century” merely blessed that unilateralism without the honest-broker charade, and no actor could change course. In “An Alternative Way Forward” he presents the BDS movement’s three rights and a new approach framing the conflict as settler colonialism: Zionism as a settler-colonial movement acting by Patrick Wolfe’s Logic of Elimination, the 1948 Nakba as its partial realisation (half the indigenous population expelled, 78% of the homeland taken), the harsh policy toward the Palestinians left within Israel, and the 1967 occupation as a solution to the incomplete nature of the 1948 operations, planned in the 1963 Shaham Plan and decided by the thirteenth unity government (non-annexation without relinquishment; the occupied population defined by Dayan as “citizenless citizens”). The chapter continues beyond PDF p.71.

• Chapter 3 concluded (PDF p.72-75 / printed p.50-53): Pappe completes the 1967 decisions account — the Allon partition map against Gush Emunim’s biblical colonisation map — and sets out the two Mega-prison models: the open prison (1967-1987, the Oslo model 1993-2000, Areas A and B since 2004), each iteration worse as didactic punishment, and the maximum-security prison imposed after the First Intifada, after the second uprising, and in Gaza after 2006, where it has turned into a ghetto with food and calories rationed; he calls the military punishment “a set of war crimes and an incremental genocide” and concludes that what is needed is not peace but decolonisation of the whole of historical Palestine, including the Right of Return, and one democratic state for all.

• Chapter 4, Kamel Hawwash, “Can Palestinians Regain the Initiative for Ending the Occupation?” (PDF p.77-88 / printed p.55-66): Hawwash frames the Palestinian loss of initiative from the PLO’s creation through Madrid, Oslo and Annapolis, quotes Ehud Olmert’s 2007 interviews conceding that a collapsed two-state solution would finish Israel and that Israel must withdraw from almost all the territories, and sets Olmert’s words against Mustafa Barghouti’s since-Annapolis statistics (3,063 attacks, 543 Palestinians killed, checkpoints risen from 521 to 699, 462,000 settlers). The bulk presents the Palestine Strategy Study Group, convened by the Oxford Research Group at the Dead Sea in 2007 and in Turkey in 2008, and its August 2008 report Regaining the Initiative: if Israel refuses a genuine two-state outcome, Palestinians can block its four preferred alternatives by closing down the 1991 negotiation option, reconstituting the Palestinian Authority, elevating “smart” resistance, and shifting to a single-state goal; “Palestinians have more strategic cards than they think, and Israel has fewer”.

• Chapter 5, Avi Shlaim, “Reflections on the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict” (PDF p.91-103 / printed p.69-81): Shlaim, a “new historian” alongside Simha Flapan, Benny Morris and Ilan Pappe, argues from his Israel and Palestine (2009) and The Iron Wall (2000) that Zionism’s PR myth required “a big lie” about the indigenous population, whose expropriation was the “original sin”; that Jabotinsky’s Iron wall became the national strategy from the 1930s, with only Rabin moving to stage-two negotiation; that 1948 was a monumental injustice yet Israel within its 1949 borders is legitimate under the UN partition resolution and the armistice agreements; that Resolution 242’s land-for-peace formula worked with Egypt and Jordan but Israel “prefers land to peace”; that Oslo broke down fundamentally because of continuing West Bank colonisation; and that the December 2008 Gaza war was “illegal, immoral, and completely unnecessary”, a “one-sided massacre” whose aims were politicide and regime change, leaving Israel a rogue state by his three criteria. The chapter closes with Eyad Sarraj’s September 2010 letter to Lynne Segal.

• Chapter 6, Karma Nabulsi, “Being Palestinian” (PDF p.105-122 / printed p.83-100): Nabulsi, a former PLO representative, grounds her identity exclusively in the General will in Rousseau’s sense — not ethnicity, language, custom, religion, race or nation. Around five million refugees, just over two thirds of the Palestinian people, are presented as the core of the conflict; UNRWA’s limited mandate, the camps’ political organisation and the PLO’s formation by 1970 are traced; the 1988 Declaration of Independence is read as an expression of the general will defining the state as “the state of Palestinians wherever they may be”; and the 2000 British Parliamentary Commission’s verbatim refugee testimony in Right to Return (March 2001) is quoted at length to show the will, and the Right of Return at its heart, still present.

• Chapter 7, Wala AlQaisiya, Ghaith Hilal and Haneen Maikey, “Dismantling the Image of the Palestinian Homosexual: Exploring the Role of Alqaws” (PDF p.125-128 / printed p.103-106, chapter unfinished in this part): first published in Decolonizing Sexualities (Counterpress, 2016), pp. 125-40. The Zionist colonisation of Palestine is said to hold at its premise racial, sexual and gendered discourses through which colonial power is exercised over bodies and desires. The image of the Palestinian homosexual is traced as the “Other” — at worst the collaborator, at best the Israelised person, leading to the Westernised agent: during the First Intifada, whose nationalist discourse Massad (1995) is cited as tracing as masculinist and heterosexual, Israeli intelligence coerced Palestinians into collaboration by blackmail over homosexuality, pre-marital sex, drugs and alcohol, and Palestinian factions’ “cleansing” reaction legitimised the blackmail further; the Oslo-era Palestinian Authority consolidated a masculine, “bourgeois in-the-making” nationalist agent. The chapter continues beyond PDF p.128.

• Chapter 7 concluded (PDF p.129-143 / printed p.107-121): the donor/Gay International frame is analysed through Žižek’s “not enough of this too much of that” and Puar’s Homonationalism — the coloniser’s standards became the yardstick for the colonised, although the anti-sodomy laws had been removed from the Jordanian penal code the PA inherited in 1957; AlQaws separated from the Jerusalem Open House in 2007 and, after the 2009 Gaza aggression and the Bar-Noar shootings, from Israeli LGBT politics committed to emblems of Israeliness. Gaza is constructed as the homophobic space against a “gay friendly” Ramallah in a hierarchy running 1948 territories, Ramallah, the rest of the West Bank, Gaza. “The Pinkwashing Logic” defines Pinkwashing as a Zionist tactic presenting Israel as modern and open by presenting Palestinians, Arabs and Muslims as homophobic, backward and barbaric, operating since 2005 through “Re-branding Israel” with Israeli LGBT groups complicit, producing the saving discourse and the victim-saviour dynamic internalised by Palestinian queers. The chapter’s footnote 5 (PDF p.134), glossing its settler-colonial premise of intense, gendered and racialised sexual regulation, gives as emblematic examples the 2003 Citizenship and Entry Emergency Law barring Palestinians married to Israelis from becoming citizens, ultra-Orthodox Jewish campaigns for gender segregation in public spaces, and the denial of Jewish-Jewish marriages inside Israel unless the couple is “converted” according to Orthodox principles (see Open questions on that wording). The closing sections set out alQaws’s four layers: decolonising Palestinian identity in the queer community, imagining a decolonised Palestine against fragmentation since 1948, refusal to normalise with Israeli LGBTQ groups without a clear anti-colonial stance, and challenging Western LGBT organising hegemony (coming out, homophobia, pride, visibility).

• Chapter 8, Eyal Weizman, “Archaeology, Architecture and the Politics of Verticality” (PDF p.145-162 / printed p.123-140): extracted from Mute Magazine (2004). Since 1967 the West Bank has been imagined as a three-dimensional volume of layered territories — the Politics of verticality — settlements as hilltop islands, roads spanning over or diving under Palestinian lands, Sharon’s enclaves “connected by tunnels and bridges” with Israel retaining aquifers below and airspace above. Biblical archaeology (Albright; Yig’al Yadin) made the subterranean volume a national monument and anchored settlement claims to ancient sites; the post-1967 archaeological building style extruded it into architecture. The Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif section gives the Camp David vertical-sovereignty proposal and its Palestinian rejection. “Storrs’ Stare of Medusa” reads the 1918 Jerusalem-stone by-law, extended after 1967 (municipal area 33.5 km² in 1952 to 108 km² in 1967; about 200,000 Jewish in-town migrants 1990-1997), as a colonising device extending Jerusalem’s holiness to its suburbs. The terrain sections give the Drobles Plan (about 38% of the West Bank left under Israeli control in summit islands), the Community Settlements, and “Optical Urbanism”: the settlements as “panoptic fortresses” and civilian fortification whose settlers’ eyes are “hijacked” for control, closing with targeted assassination enabled by total airspace/electromagnetic control.

• Chapter 9, Daniel Machover, “Israeli Apartheid: A Matter of Law” (PDF p.165-178 / printed p.143-156): Machover, a legal adviser to the Russell Tribunal on Palestine, summarises its Cape Town session (November 2011) findings. The legal definition (Apartheid Convention, ICERD, Rome Statute) requires two distinct racial groups — Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs, “racial” read broadly and sociologically — inhuman acts as listed in Article 2, and systematic commission in an institutionalised regime of domination; the prohibition is customary law and jus cogens. Applying Article 2 head by head (killings close to 10,000 since 29 September 2000 by B’Tselem’s tally at October 2021; torture and administrative detention; prevention of development and participation; separation into reserves and enclaves under Hafrada, with 93% of the land reserved for exclusive Jewish use; labour restructuring; persecution of opponents), and finding the Gaza blockade does not meet Article 2(b)‘s physical-destruction threshold but is calculated to displace, the Tribunal concluded Israel’s rule, wherever Palestinians reside, “amounts to a single integrated regime of apartheid”.

• Chapter 10, Rania Masri, “Dismantling Racism and Settler Colonialism: Challenges for the BDS Movement” (PDF p.179-187 / printed p.157-165, chapter unfinished in this part): Masri opens with Abed Qotqot of Dheisheh camp, forbidden to alter his own acknowledged land and living in a cave until his death at fifty-four, then gives demolitions in 2015 (over 400 Area C homes announced; 20,000 Jerusalem homes set for demolition; at least 27,000 West Bank homes demolished since 1967; over 100,000 Gaza homes demolished in the fifty-one days of 2014, with 27,000 of 1.5 million needed tonnes of cement allowed in), the 80,000 Palestinians in unrecognised Negev villages, and the October 2012 poll (74% for separate roads; 69% for annexation without a Palestinian vote). Maryam of Silwan’s testimony, DCI’s child-detention figures for 2014 (20% in solitary confinement; 75% physically abused), Mordechai Kedar’s rape-deterrent statement and 2014 rape/child-killing slogans and shirts, media “calm” as calm for Israelis only, American Sniper, Malcolm X, and the solidarity of Tom Hurndall and Rachel Corrie (including the 2015 Supreme Court ruling and the Corrie family statement) lead to the part’s close: against Beinart’s compromised liberalism, refugees are denied return because they are not Jewish — Ethnocracy (Yiftachel) and, in the Rome Statute words quoted, the crime of apartheid. The chapter continues beyond PDF p.187.

• Chapter 10 concluded (PDF p.188-194 / printed p.166-172): Masri insists on Tutu’s “full menu of rights” — return, freedom from occupation and apartheid, and resistance “by any means necessary” — rejects the “Gazans” label (eighty percent of Gaza’s people are 1948 refugees) and the “women and children” framing (it implies Palestinian men may be justifiably killed and refuses to mourn fighters: “I mourn every single Palestinian fighter who defended Gaza”), and rejects the legitimacy of a Jewish Israeli state, quoting the One State Declaration and declaring “States, per se, don’t have a right to exist. People do.” BDS is presented with its February 2015 victories (more than 400 UK artists’ pledge; UC Student Association 9 to 1; SOAS 73%; Toledo 21 to 4; Veolia and G4S contract losses), against the TTIP anti-BDS bill’s surveillance demands, and through the Ferguson-Palestine tear-gas connection and Audre Lorde, closing: the question is not whether Zionism and apartheid will be eliminated but how fast. Chapter Bibliography follows.

• Chapter 11, Adam Hanieh, “The Oslo Accords and Palestine’s Political Economy in the Shadow of Regional Turmoil” (PDF p.197-213 / printed p.175-191): drawn on Hanieh’s “The Oslo Illusion” (Jacobin, 2013) and Lineages of Revolt (2013). Against Palestine’s treatment as a humanitarian exception, Hanieh argues Oslo (signed 13 September 1993) did not fail: it was functional for Israel — a fig leaf consolidating the control mechanisms of 1967 (Allon and Sharon plans, land and water seizure; cultivated land down one-third 1967-1974, 87% of irrigated West Bank land removed, agriculture from over 40% of the labour force in 1970 to 26% in 1987 and from 35% to 16% of GDP by 1991) — codified in the Paris Protocol (imports 70-80 percent of GDP; 73.9 percent of imports from Israel and 87.9 percent of exports to Israel in 2005; 60 percent of PA revenue from Israel-collected indirect taxes, 1995-2000). Labour became a “tap” (116,000 workers in Israel in 1992, 28,100 in 1996; earnings 25 percent of GNP to 6 percent) replaced by PA public employment (nearly 25 percent by mid-2000). The PA’s capitalist class fused Gulf returnee capital, pre-1967 landowning families and occupation interlocutors, its accumulation (monopolies, permits, exemptions) tied to Israeli consent. The neoliberal turn brought debt-led growth (per capita GDP $1400toaround$1900, 2007-2010; unemployment around 20%; bank credit $1.72to$3.37 billion, 2008-May 2010; consumer credit +245%), individualising society; after 2011 the Israel-Gulf alignment made Palestinian elite acquiescence essential, and renewal requires confronting those elites and rejecting the “hawks and doves” model — violence and negotiations as complementary aspects of one project.

• Chapter 12, Penny Green and Amelia Smith, “Evicting Palestine” (PDF p.215-230 / printed p.193-208): extracted from State Crime Journal 5.1 (2016) and dedicated to Hashem Al-Azzeh (died Hebron, 21 October 2015). Forced eviction as Israel’s nation-building modus operandi: 1948 (15,000 killed, 800,000 driven out, 531 villages destroyed), 1967 (an estimated additional 300,000 displaced), 7.4 million (66 percent) of 11.2 million Palestinians displaced (PCBS 2013, as cited), and over 28,000 structures demolished in the occupied territories since 1967 (ICAHD 2012, as cited). “Deviant Planning” through Halper’s Matrix of Control and the Areas A/B/C fragmentation (94 percent of 3,750 Palestinian permit requests rejected, 2010-2012; 590 structures destroyed in Area C and East Jerusalem in 2014, displacing 1,177); the Dahmash case (176 Unrecognized villages, around 90,000 residents); Al-Bustan/Silwan (516 East Jerusalem units demolished 2004-2014, 2,028 homeless); the wall as apartheid infrastructure (810 kilometres, 12 percent of the West Bank seized, 634 checkpoints, 1,661 kilometres of Palestinian-forbidden roads, Stop the Wall’s 46 percent annexation estimate, and the Goldstein massacre’s aftermath in Hebron); Elad and the City of David; and the Jewish National Fund’s afforestation over villages (Canada Park; Al-Araqib’s Ambassador’s Forest). Conclusion: the practices expose “Israeli state criminality on a structural scale” in breach of the Fourth Geneva Convention; the struggle is about wujud (existence), not only hudud (borders).

• Chapter 13, Miriyam Aouragh, “Resisting Cybercide, Strengthening Solidarity: Standing up to Israel’s Digital Occupation” (PDF p.233-241 / printed p.211-219): digital media as a counter-public space against mainstream gatekeeping, within inherited North-South ICT inequality (the years-long negotiation for the .ps domain). Aouragh frames Hasbara 2.0 as the immaterial side and Cybercide as the material side — the Internet incorporated into Israeli military strategy (2006 Lebanon war, Cast Lead, the Mavi Marmara storming of 31 May 2010 with confiscated devices and blocked communications, the smuggled tape refuting the “self-defence” version), twenty years of jamming, hacking, cable destruction and office raids (Stop the Wall 2012; Addameer), surveillance and blackmail into collaboration — under “cyber-colonialism”. “Meticulous Strategy, Magnificent Failure”: Palestinian social-media impact outweighs Israel’s despite its resources; the chapter closes by reproducing Aouragh’s 2004 message on Tom Hurndall’s death, with the Rachel Corrie/Jessica Lynch double standard, the Iraq war’s $86billionsupplementalagainstUNfiguresof$9 billion for basic education and $36 billion for water and healthcare, and the appeal to join the struggle on 20 March 2004.

• Chapter 14, Salma Karmi-Ayyoub, “Israel’s Nation-State Law and Its Consequences for Palestinians” (PDF p.243-249 / printed p.221-227): the Nation-State Law (Basic Law passed 19 July 2018) set out in full — Eretz Israel as Jewish homeland, exclusive Jewish national self-determination and immigration, “Greater and united Jerusalem” as capital, Hebrew official and Arabic in special status, state promotion of Jewish settlement and Diaspora ties — and its constitutional status (the 2015 Justice Minister’s report calling it a “constitutional anchoring of the vision of the state” and advising against it). Article 1 makes Israel an Ethnocracy: a Knesset-commissioned study found no other constitution appropriating the state for one ethnic group, and the legal advisor’s equality alternative was explicitly rejected; the undefined territory (Eretz Israel against the State of Israel) may amount to annexation. The law violates human-rights law (mandated unequal treatment; Palestinians, roughly 50% of the population Israel controls, unmentioned), the Palestinian right to Self-determination, and creates apartheid’s legal foundation. Context: Trump’s emboldening, E1 expansion, Jerusalem consolidation and pressure on UNRWA — and a crisis of legitimacy (control of all Mandate Palestine over roughly equal populations; BDS erosion) to which codifying Jewish exclusivity is Israel’s response. Conclusion: it “supresses” (as printed) Palestinian self-determination and must be resisted internationally.

Key passages

• “What do I want from this life?” — Tom Hurndall’s diary, 2 November 2001, quoted in the Foreword (For Palestine — Essays from the Tom Hurndall Memorial Lecture Group, PDF p.21).

• “I am not afraid to look; that is what I am doing over here now” — Tom Hurndall in Rafah, quoted in Introduction Part II (PDF p.28).

• “This is the largest ethnic cleansing operation in modern history.” — Abu Sitta, on the 1948 expulsion (PDF p.31).

• “Protected persons are entitled, in all circumstances, to respect for their persons, their honour, their family rights, their religious convictions and practices, and their manners and customs.” — Article 27 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, quoted by Kuper (PDF p.50).

• “There is a famous Jewish maxim that people tend to look for a lost key where there is light and not where they lost the key.” — Pappe, opening Chapter 3 (PDF p.63).

• “The military punishment is none other than a set of war crimes and an incremental genocide of the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip.” — Pappe, Chapter 3 (PDF p.75).

• “Palestinians have more strategic cards than they think, and Israel has fewer.” — the PSSG’s main conclusion, as presented by Hawwash, Chapter 4 (PDF p.87).

• “I plead guilty to the charge of being one-sided.” — Shlaim, Chapter 5 (PDF p.92).

• “Israel’s leaders have always preferred force to diplomacy in dealing with the Arabs.” — Shlaim’s one-sentence summary of The Iron Wall, Chapter 5 (PDF p.94-95).

• “The State of Palestine is the state of Palestinians wherever they may be.” — the 1988 Declaration of Independence, quoted by Nabulsi, Chapter 6 (PDF p.111).

• “The camp has never been my home and it never will be.” — Amal Jado, Aida refugee camp, in Right to Return, quoted by Nabulsi, Chapter 6 (PDF p.119).

• “Sexual and bodily freedom cannot be separated from the fight against Israeli colonialism.” — AlQaisiya, Hilal and Maikey, Chapter 7 (PDF p.137).

• “Israel subjects the Palestinian people to an institutionalised regime of domination amounting to apartheid as defined under international law.” — Machover, Chapter 9, Conclusions (PDF p.178).

• “Israel is, according to international law, an apartheid state.” — Masri, Chapter 10 (PDF p.187).

• “I mourn the children. I mourn the civilians. And I mourn every single Palestinian fighter who defended Gaza and they defended it heroically.” — Masri, Chapter 10 (PDF p.189).

• “States, per se, don’t have a right to exist. People do.” — Masri, Chapter 10 (PDF p.190).

• “there has been no contradiction between calls to support the ‘peace process’ and deepening colonisation — the former consistently worked to enable the latter” — Hanieh, Chapter 11 (PDF p.199).

• “The state of Israel is premised upon ethnic cleansing and forced evictions.” — Green and Smith, Chapter 12 (PDF p.215).

• “In our thousands — in our millions — we are all Palestinians.” — the July-August 2014 street chant quoted by Aouragh, Chapter 13 (PDF p.238).

• “The nation-state law establishes Israel as an ethnocracy as opposed to a democracy.” — Karmi-Ayyoub, Chapter 14 (PDF p.249).

Evidence the work relies on

• For the Introduction: The Only House Left Standing: The Middle East Journals of Tom Hurndall (Trolley Books Ltd, 2012), stated at PDF p.29 to be the source of all facts, accounts and quotations in Part II about Tom’s time in the Middle East, 21 February-11 April 2003; Tom’s diary (2 November 2001) and his PULP articles, as quoted.

• For Chapter 1: the Palestine Land Society article and maps from which the chapter is taken (footnote, PDF p.31); recently released Israeli files for the 89%/10%/1% depopulation figures; UNRWA registration figures (3.8 million of 5.25 million refugees); end-of-1997 population figures for Areas A/B/C; UN General Assembly Resolution 194 and Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; Thomas Mallison, quoted on “Jewish character”; Prof. Etzioni Halevi of Bar Ilan University, quoted on Jewish national identity; and the March 2000 reports of the UN treaty-based committees, as the chapter presents them.

• For Chapter 2: the Fourth Geneva Convention (Articles 2, 27, 31, 32, 33, 49, 147) and the Hague Regulations; Norman Geras’s blog post of 13 January 2006, quoted; the International Humanitarian Law Research Initiative (Harvard School of Public Health), B’Tselem, ACRI and Human Rights Watch, acknowledged as the author’s particular debts; MachsomWatch and B’Tselem checkpoint reporting; the Palestinian Health Ministry September report on births at checkpoints; the 2003 report Back to a Routine of Torture by the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel and other organisations; Ha’aretz, 8 November 2006, on torture allegations to Attorney General Menachem Mazuz; B’Tselem on closure as collective punishment and on settlements; Peace Now Settlement Watch, Breaking the Law in the West Bank — The Private Land Report — Nov. 2006, quoting Israeli Civil Administration data; the ICJ advisory opinion of 9 July 2004 on the Wall; B’Tselem on Gaza killings in late 2006; and Uri Avnery on Beit Hanoun, as the chapter presents them.

• For Chapter 3 (part read): Amira Hass, Ha’aretz, 4 September 2018, on Oslo, as summarised by Pappe; Patrick Wolfe’s “logic of elimination” as the settler-colonial framework; and the UN prediction that Gaza would be unsustainable in 2020, as cited.

• For Chapter 4: Ehud Olmert’s interviews of 29 November 2007 and with Yediot Ahronoth reported in The New York Times on 29 September 2007, as quoted; Dr Mustapha Barghouti’s 26 November press conference quote and since-Annapolis statistics, as cited; the PSSG concept proposal and its report Regaining the Initiative: Palestinian Strategic Options to End Israeli Occupation (August 2008), as presented; and a European Union poll of 2003 on Israel as a threat to world peace, as cited.

• For Chapter 5: Shlaim’s Israel and Palestine: Reappraisals, Revisions, Refutations (Verso, 2009) and The Iron Wall (2000); Rafael Behr’s review in The Observer, 3 October 2010, as quoted; Jabotinsky’s “On the Iron Wall (We and the Arabs)” (1923), as summarised; Sir John Troutbeck’s memo of 2 June 1948, as quoted; the Goldstone fact-finding mission’s findings, as presented; and Eyad Sarraj’s letter of September 2010 to Lynne Segal, as quoted.

• For Chapter 6: Rousseau’s Social Contract in GDH Cole’s translation and the Oeuvres Complètes, as quoted; the Palestinian Declarations of 10 January 1948 (as stated) and 15 November 1988, as quoted; Mahmoud Darwish, “We Travel Like Other People”, as quoted; and Right to Return: Joint Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry on Palestinian Refugees (2nd edn, March 2001), whose refugee testimonies are quoted with page locators.

• For Chapter 7 (part read): Joseph Massad (1995) on “conceiving of the masculine” and the nationalist agent, as quoted; Andrea Smith (2008) on natives’ bodies and land rendered “inherently rapable and invadable”, as quoted; Parsons (2005) and Le More (2008) on the Palestinian Authority, as cited; and Foucault via Sullivan (2003), as cited.

• For Chapter 7 (concluded): the chapter’s own footnote 5 (PDF p.134), citing the 2003 Citizenship and Entry Emergency Law, ultra-Orthodox gender-segregation campaigns and the Orthodox-conversion marriage rule as emblematic examples of gendered and racialised sexual regulation; Le More (2008), Žižek (1995, 2005), Butler (2010), Massad (2007), Puar via Mikdashi (2011, as cited), Gross (2001), Walzer (2000), Morgenson (2011), Dana (2014), Daraghmeh and Laub (2014), Chang (2016), Schotten and Maikey (2012), PACBI’s normalisation definition, and Maikey and Shamali (2016), as the chapter presents them.

• For Chapter 8: Meron Benvenisti on six-dimensional space, as quoted; Zvi Efrat on post-1967 architectural taste, as cited; Gilead Sher on Barak at Camp David (17 July 2000), as quoted; Charles Warren’s excavation account, as quoted; the Drobles master plan, as quoted; the Ministry of Housing’s 1984 mountain-construction guidance and Justice Vitkon’s verdict, as quoted; the Shilo and Emanuel settlement brochures, as quoted; and the chapter Bibliography, as listed in the reading notes.

• For Chapter 9: the Apartheid Convention (Articles 1-2), ICERD (Articles 3, 5) and the Rome Statute (Article 7), as quoted and summarised; the evidence heard by the Russell Tribunal at Cape Town, including B’Tselem’s fatality tally from 29 September 2000 (total at October 2021); and the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s conclusion on Article 2(b), as cited.

• For Chapter 10 (part read): Jaber (2015) on Abed Qotqot, as cited; Israeli records for demolitions since 1967, as given; Banksy via Vartanian (2015), as quoted; the October 2012 poll, as given; Maryam of Silwan’s 2005 interview, as quoted; Defense for Children International (2014, 2015), as quoted/cited; Shelhoub-Kevorkian et al. (2014) on Kedar, as cited; Izadi (2015) and Johnson et al. (2014) on US police violence, as cited; Chris Kyle’s book, as quoted; Malcolm X (1965), as quoted; the Corrie family statement via Lazare (2015), as quoted; Beinart via Goldberg (2010), as quoted; and Yiftachel (2006) on ethnocracy, as cited.

• For Chapter 10 (concluded): Tutu via Voices for Human Rights, as cited; the One State Declaration, as quoted; Ben-Dor (2014) on the Southampton conference, as cited; the BDS movement’s own statement, as quoted; the February 2015 pledge, association and referendum results, as given; Barnard and Hilary (2015) on the TTIP bill, as cited; and Lorde (1980, 1984), as quoted.

• For Chapter 11: Hanieh’s own “The Oslo Illusion” (2013) and Lineages of Revolt (2013), per footnote 1; Said (1993), as quoted; Pappe (2006), Honig-Parnass (2011) and Machover (2012), as cited; Brusilovsky and Gitelson (2011) for the 2010 high-tech export share; Retzky (1995) and Bouillon (2006) for the $40 billion boycott cost; Nitzan and Bichler (2002) on the 1985 Stabilisation Plan; Samara (1988) and Graham-Brown (1990) on land and water; Farsakh (2005) on labour and GDP; PCBS figures for trade, employment and business size; the World Bank (2001) on earnings from work in Israel; UNCTAD (2011) on growth, consumption and sector change; and the Palestinian Monetary Authority (2011) on bank credit, all as the chapter presents them.

• For Chapter 12: the authors’ 2014 fieldwork interviews (Arafat Ismail; Abu Diab, 27 March 2014; Mahmoud Qaraeen, 23 March 2014; Jamal Juma, 25 March 2014; Aziz Al Turi, 26 March 2014) and their interview with Oren Yiftachel (24 March 2014); PCBS (2013) displacement figures; ICAHD’s 2012 UN submission; OCHA (2014) demolition figures; B’Tselem and UNOCHA, as cited; Human Rights Watch (2010) on Dahmash; Halper’s “matrix of control”, as quoted; ICRC President Peter Maurer, as quoted; Stop the Wall Campaign estimates; Klein (2013) on Hebron; B’Tselem (2005) on Silwan; the Ir David Foundation website; Dan Leon in the Israel-Palestine Journal on JNF holdings; and the Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2005) on the Ambassador’s Forest, all as the chapter presents them.

• For Chapter 13: Aouragh (2015, 2016), her own prior work, as cited; Khalidi (2006) on aerial bombardment; Salamanca et al. (2012) on settler colonialism; Kimmerling (2003) on politicide; Kuntsman and Stein (2015) on the Mavi Marmara; her 2012 fieldwork (the Stop the Wall raid); UN cost figures for education, water and healthcare, as given in her 2004 message; and Said, as quoted there.

• For Chapter 14: the nation-state law’s text (Knesset PDF, URL given) and its Article 1, as quoted; the 2015 report commissioned by the Israeli Justice Minister, as summarised; the Knesset-commissioned comparative constitutional study, as summarised; and the Knesset legal advisor’s post-passage explanation, as quoted.

Analysis

The volume is a memorial lecture collection, not a single-author argument: the chapters follow the lectures in order, with amendments and, in some cases, new writing reflecting the lectures (Acknowledgements, PDF p.11), and each chapter is credited to its own author under its own CC BY-NC licence and DOI suffix. The Introduction’s two parts have different authors — Parker for the lecture series, Waughray for Tom Hurndall — and the Foreword is by Jocelyn Hurndall; attribution on this page follows those credits. The chapters read so far argue from stated advocacy positions: Abu Sitta’s is a demographic and legal feasibility brief for return, built on his Areas A/B/C population and land figures; Kuper’s is a legal-moral survey that expressly claims no originality and rests its charges on the Convention text and on Israeli and international monitoring organisations; Pappe’s opening is a historiographical reframing (parity/partition against settler colonialism) whose Oslo account leans, in the part read, on Hass’s 2018 article as he summarises it. Limits in the parts read: figures are as of the lectures’ dates (Abu Sitta’s refugee and population figures are those of his 2005 article; Kuper’s settlement and Gaza figures run to late 2006; Hawwash’s chapter is a 2008 lecture carrying some statistics updated to 2014, held under Open questions), and several internal inconsistencies are held under Open questions rather than resolved. Hawwash’s chapter is a participant’s presentation of the PSSG report he helped produce; Shlaim expressly pleads guilty to being one-sided and argues a two-state position that sits against Pappe’s and Hawwash’s single-state reorientation in the same volume; Nabulsi’s chapter is a first-person account of her own representative practice, resting its Palestinian claims on Rousseau’s framework and on the Commission testimony she quotes. Chapters 7-9 are likewise positioned: Chapter 7 is an alQaws insider account (its authors include alQaws’s Haneen Maikey) arguing an activist analysis, not a survey; Chapter 8 is an extracted 2004 essay whose figures and examples are of that date; Chapter 9 expressly summarises a people’s tribunal’s findings rather than a court judgment, and its updated elements (the 2018 Nation State Law note, the October 2021 B’Tselem total, the 2021 HRW/B’Tselem footnote) postdate the November 2011 session it reports. Masri’s Chapter 10 is a lecture in the first person whose demolition, poll and detention figures are those of 2012-2015 as given. Chapters 11-14 keep those positioned forms: Hanieh’s Chapter 11 is a political-economy restatement of his 2013 Jacobin argument, built on the secondary literature and official statistics he cites; Green and Smith’s Chapter 12 is a state-crime fieldwork article whose figures are those of its 2014 interviews and the 2012-2014 monitoring it cites; Aouragh’s Chapter 13 mixes analysis with a reproduced personal message of 2004, whose Iraq and UN figures are of that date; Karmi-Ayyoub’s Chapter 14 is a legal lecture arguing from the law’s text and the Knesset’s own commissioned reports.

People, organizations, places and events

Tom Hurndall, Jocelyn Hurndall, Wahid Taysir Hayb, Rachel Corrie, Salman Abu Sitta, Richard Kuper, Ilan Pappe, Kamel Hawwash, Mustafa Barghouti, Avi Shlaim, Karma Nabulsi, Eyad Sarraj, Richard Goldstone, Yigal Allon, Gush Emunim, International Solidarity Movement, Tom Hurndall Memorial Lecture Group, Palestine Land Society, Palestine Strategy Study Group, Oxford Research Group, AlQaws, Daniel Machover, Rania Masri, Eyal Weizman, Russell Tribunal on Palestine, B’Tselem, Peace Now, Green Patrol, Israel Land Administration, Fourth Geneva Convention, Oslo Accords, Shaham Plan, Operation Cast Lead, Adam Hanieh, Penny Green, Amelia Smith, Miriyam Aouragh, Salma Karmi-Ayyoub, Dahmash, Elad, Canada Park, Al-Araqib, Nation-State Law, Jewish National Fund, Addameer, UNRWA

Concepts

Right of Return, Ethnic Cleansing, Present Absentees, Unrecognized villages, Settler Colonialism, Logic of Elimination, Bantustans, Separation wall, BDS movement, Apartheid, Mega-prison models, Iron wall, General will, Pinkwashing, Politics of verticality, Homonationalism, Hafrada, One-state solution, Two-state solution, Cybercide, Judaization, Matrix of Control, Self-determination

How it relates to other sources

Abu Sitta’s chapter restates, in lecture form, the right-of-return argument of his Palestine Land Society work already represented in this wiki by The Palestinian Nakba 1948 — The Register of Depopulated Localities in Palestine and by the Light in Gaza presentation of his Atlas of Palestine. Pappe’s chapter applies, to the Oslo process and the post-1967 occupation, the settler-colonial reading of 1948 developed in The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, and his use of Wolfe’s Logic of Elimination agrees with the framing in Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine. Kuper’s B’Tselem-quoted description of a regime of separation “reminiscent of distasteful regimes from the past, such as the Apartheid regime in South Africa” stands alongside the apartheid analyses elsewhere in the wiki without this page adopting any one of them. The Introduction’s account of Tom Hurndall adds biographical and legal detail to the brief mention in Invited to Witness — Solidarity Tourism across Occupied Palestine. Shlaim’s Chapter 5 restates, in lecture form, the Iron wall argument of his own work already represented in this wiki through Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation, and his around-1,400 Palestinian deaths for Operation Cast Lead agree in scale with the figures in Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions: The Global Struggle for Palestinian Rights and Stateless Citizenship (2013), which are held side by side on that page. Nabulsi’s refugee figures (around five million, 3.8 million registered) stand alongside Abu Sitta’s Chapter 1 figures (5.25 million, 3.8 million registered) in the same volume. Chapter 7’s treatment of Pinkwashing and AlQaws continues the account in Palestine: A Socialist Introduction. Within the volume, Shlaim’s two-state position and defence of Israel’s legitimacy within its 1949 borders conflict with Pappe’s call for decolonisation of the whole of historical Palestine; both are recorded with attribution, not reconciled.

Weizman’s Chapter 8 develops the same settlement-design material (Drobles Plan phases, summit rings, surveillance) attributed to Segal and Weizman on the Eyal Weizman page from another source, here as his own extracted 2004 essay. Machover’s Chapter 9 is the fullest statement in this wiki of the Cape Town session that Palestine: The Legitimacy of Hope discusses defensively against Goldstone’s attack, and its single-integrated-regime conclusion stands alongside the apartheid accounts gathered on Apartheid; Masri’s Chapter 10 reaches the same legal conclusion from demolition and racism evidence and links Palestine to US structural racism, continuing the Black–Palestinian solidarity thread elsewhere in the wiki.

Hanieh’s Chapter 11 is the same Oslo political-economy argument as his chapter in From the River to the Sea: Essays for a Free Palestine and his Chapter 1 of Rethinking Statehood in Palestine, here in lecture form with the regional (Gulf) alignment added. Green and Smith’s Chapter 12 supplies the fullest fieldwork statement in this wiki of the Dahmash and City of David cases that Purchase by Other Means: The Palestine Nakba and Zionism’s Conquest of Economics and Invited to Witness — Solidarity Tourism across Occupied Palestine treat in passing, and its Canada Park account agrees with Invited to Witness — Solidarity Tourism across Occupied Palestine on the three villages while adding the expulsion and demolition figures. Aouragh’s Cybercide extends the Hasbara treatment beyond its 1961 statement on this wiki. Karmi-Ayyoub’s Chapter 14 is the fullest single-chapter treatment of the Nation-State Law in this wiki, standing alongside the analyses in Palestine: A Socialist Introduction and Rethinking Statehood in Palestine.

Open questions

• Sentence for Tom Hurndall’s killing: the Foreword (PDF p.21-22) gives an eight-year sentence for manslaughter; Introduction Part II (PDF p.28) gives eleven and a half years, in August 2005, for manslaughter, obstruction of justice and false testimony. Both are recorded, not reconciled.

• Pappe lecture year: the lecture list (PDF p.9) and Introduction Part I (PDF p.24) date the Third Lecture to January 2008; the Contributors entry (PDF p.18) says Pappe “gave the third Hurndall Memorial Lecture in 2007”. Both are recorded, not reconciled.

• The refugee-registration figure in Chapter 1: 3.8 million registered of 5.25 million refugees is stated to account for “75% of all refugees” (PDF p.32); 3.8 of 5.25 is about 72% (computed from the chapter’s own figures). Recorded as printed.

• Spelling of the Jordan/Iraq-border refugee camp: “Al Ruweished” in the Fig. 1 caption (PDF p.6), “Al Ruwaished” in Introduction Part II (PDF p.28). Both recorded as printed.

• Chapter 3 prints “This perception re-graded the 1967 June War” (PDF p.63), for “regarded”, as printed.

• Chapter 3 prints “The first setters who came in between 1882 and 1914” (PDF p.69), for “settlers”, checked against the original; and “Nationality Law” for the 2018 law elsewhere called the Nation-State Law (PDF p.66). Both recorded as printed.

• Chapter 2 dates the Gaza settlers’ Supreme Court case, in which the government asserted belligerent occupation, to “June 2000” (PDF p.56-57), as printed; the narrative context is the Gaza disengagement litigation. Recorded as printed, not reconciled.

• Contributors on Karma Nabulsi: “Their chapter was also published in 2003 in Government and Opposition, 38 (4), pp. 479-96” (PDF p.18), as printed, although the sixth lecture was given in 2010. Recorded as printed.

• Whether the sixth lecture’s subject in the lecture list (refugees and the Right of Return) and the chapter title “Being Palestinian” correspond to that 2003 article is not stated in the part read.

• Place names on the Fig. 2 map (PDF p.13), read in the original, are printed there as “Ashkeoln” and “Bersheeba”. Both recorded as they appear on the map, not reconciled.

• Chapter 3 prints “what consituted peace” (PDF p.72), “far less open that its predecessor” (PDF p.73) and “Gush Qafif” settlements (PDF p.74). All recorded as printed, checked in the text copy.

• Chapter 4 dates the Al Kurd family’s violent eviction in Sheikh Jarrah to “9 November 2006” (PDF p.81), as printed; recorded as printed, not reconciled.

• Chapter 4’s since-Annapolis statistics include two figures dated 2014 — an estimated 10,500 Palestinian prisoners “in 2014” (PDF p.81) and 409 km (57%) of the Wall constructed “by 2014” (PDF p.82) — inside a lecture given in 2008 in a list otherwise running to late 2008. Both recorded as printed; whether they are later updating of the chapter is not stated in the part read.

• Chapter 4 prints the Barghouti press-conference attribution first as “Dr Mustapha Barghouti” and then as “Mustafa Barghouti” (PDF p.80), “Yitzak Rabin” and “Alaqsa Intifada” (PDF p.78), and “Simon Peres” for the Israeli President (PDF p.88). All recorded as printed.

• Chapter 6 prints “the Nakbah (Catastrophe)” (PDF p.107), heads a passage “Before exploring the complexity of the 1998 declaration” while discussing the 1988 Declaration throughout (PDF p.110), and gives the Darwish translator as “Adballah Udhari” (PDF p.109). All recorded as printed.

• Chapter 6 name spellings differ between main text and footnotes: “Amni Jibril” (main text, PDF p.119) against “Amnah Jibril” (footnote 20); “Ibrahim Abu Hashash” (main text, PDF p.120) against “Ismail Abu Hashash” (footnote 22); and “Amna Ghanayam” with the continuation “Ghanayem” (footnote 26, PDF p.121-122). All recorded as printed, not reconciled.

• Chapter 7’s opening prints “its mechanisms and modes of governments on the colonisers” (PDF p.125), as printed, in a passage about colonial power over the colonised. Recorded as printed.

• Chapter 7 footnote 5 (PDF p.134), checked against the original, prints “the denial of Jewish-Jewish marriages inside Israel unless the couple is “converted” according to Orthodox principles”. “Jewish-Jewish marriages” is recorded as printed in the original, not corrected.

• Chapter 7’s body footnote markers on PDF p.134, checked against the original, run 5 (for the sentence ending at the top of the page) then a superscript 29 after “state-funded project.” in the “Re-branding Israel” paragraph; no footnote 29 is printed at the foot of the page — the only footnote there is 5. Recorded as printed, not reconciled.

• The 2003 law in Chapter 7 footnote 5 is named there “2003 Citizenship and Entry Emergency Law” (PDF p.134); Stateless Citizenship (2013) instead names a Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law of 2003 (see Citizenship Law (1952)). Both names recorded as printed in their sources, not reconciled.

• Chapter 7 cites “Mikdashi, 2011” for the homonationalism passage (PDF p.129); the chapter Bibliography lists Mikdashi’s “Gay Rights as Human Rights: Pinkwashing and Homonationalism”, Jadaliyya, as 2015 (PDF p.142). Both recorded as printed.

• Chapter 7 prints “project.29” at the end of the “Re-branding Israel” sentence (PDF p.134), “Western LGTBQ groups” in its Conclusion (PDF p.141), and the Bibliography entry “Maikey. H. and Shamali, S.” with a full stop for a comma (PDF p.142). All recorded as printed, checked in the text copy.

• Chapter 7 footnote 7 (PDF p.139) mixes units in one list — ninety-nine fixed checkpoints, more than 500 physical obstructions, sixty-five kilometres of closed roads, and “the 430 miles of apartheid wall”. Recorded as printed.

• Chapter 8 prints “Harram” for Haram (PDF p.150), “Archemedic point” in the quoted Barak declaration (PDF p.150), a full stop after “Royal Engineers.” mid-sentence (PDF p.151), “the officer in commanded of the battle for Jerusalem” (PDF p.151), Ram Karmi as “advocate” for advocated/advocated (PDF p.154), and the Bibliography publisher “Walther Keoing” (PDF p.162). All recorded as printed, checked in the text copy.

• Chapter 9 cites the Rome Statute’s apartheid definition as Article 7(2)(h) (PDF p.167) and as Article 7(2)(j) (PDF p.168). Both recorded as printed, not reconciled.

• Chapter 9 prints “since Operation Case Lead” for Cast Lead in the B’Tselem tally sentence (PDF p.172). Recorded as printed, checked in the text copy.

• Chapter 10 dates the One State Declaration three ways: the text calls it a 2007 declaration and dates it “(2017)” (PDF p.189), and the Bibliography lists “The One State Declaration, 29 November 2017” (PDF p.194). All recorded as printed, not reconciled.

• Chapter 10 prints “Does Israel does have the right to exist as a Jewish state?” (PDF p.190), “Peter Beinhart” in the Goldberg Bibliography entry (PDF p.193), “Ethnocracy Land and Identify Politics” in the Yiftachel Bibliography entry (PDF p.194), and “Shalhoub-Kevorkian” in the Bibliography (PDF p.194) against “Shelhoub-Kevorkian” in the chapter text of part 3. All recorded as printed, checked in the text copy.

• Chapter 11 prints “across the Arab worlddemanding regimes” with no space (PDF p.197, checked in the original), “slithers of land” (PDF p.199), “that advocated continued resistance” (PDF p.199), “the May 2013 military coup in Egypt” (PDF p.209), “the essential mid-wife of ‘peace negotiations’” (PDF p.211), the Bouillon publisher “I.B. Taurus” (PDF p.212), and the Palestinian Monetary Authority entry “Monthly Statistical Bulletin, May. Ramallah, 2011” (PDF p.213). All recorded as printed.

• Chapter 12 dates the West Bank’s division into Areas A, B and C to “In 1996” (PDF p.217), prints the East Jerusalem statute as “(5)212” (PDF p.221), appends “(972 by 2014)” without explanation to the twenty-five Palestinians killed in the post-Goldstein-massacre protests (PDF p.224), and prints Dahmash as inside “the 1967 borders of Israel” (PDF p.218), “some 2,000 years old” for the more than 500 villages buried under JNF parks and forests (PDF p.229), and “cyprus trees” (PDF p.229). All recorded as printed, checked in the text copy.

• Chapter 12 has no Bibliography in the pages read (PDF p.215-230); whether one appears elsewhere in the volume is not stated in the part read.

• Chapter 13 prints “cyber-optic cables” (PDF p.236), “ransacking IT forms” (PDF p.236, for firms in context), “a Damocles Sword” with that capitalisation (PDF p.237), and “Porto Allegre” (PDF p.241); its Bibliography gives Kimmerling’s Politicide (2003) a DOI belonging to a different work, as printed (PDF p.241). All recorded as printed.

• Chapter 13’s Fig. 16 caption (PDF p.242) describes an ISM volunteer “with IDF vehicle”, but the image itself, read in the original, shows a lone figure in a dusty street with no vehicle visible. Recorded as printed and as seen, not reconciled.

• Chapter 14 prints “polices include expanding settlements in the E1 area” (PDF p.248) and “it supresses the Palestinian right to self-determination” (PDF p.249). Both recorded as printed, checked in the text copy.

• Chapter 14 has no Bibliography in the pages read (PDF p.243-249); whether one appears elsewhere in the volume is not stated in the part read.

• Chapters 15-16, the List of Illustrations and the Index fall in part 5.

Coverage

Read in part, PDF p.1-250 of 297 (parts 1-4 of 5). Parts remaining: part 5, PDF p.251-297.